CDL-INF (1996) 10) has also already pointed out that the draft law contained too many details.
This is by far
more than a technical question, rather it is closely related to the
independence of the court. It is very dangerous, not only from a theoretical
but also from a practical point of view, to authorize the legislature to decide
on the peculiar procedural rules. The legislature has the right in a democracy
to determine questions such the competences of the Constitutional Court, the
composition of the courts, the recruitment of the judges, even the main procedural
rules. But the detailed regulation of the procedure should pertain to the court
itself. The practical difficulty of regulating the whole procedure by law is
that even slight amendments to the procedural rules would have to be be adopted
by the legislature where any amendment could be subject of political debates
and controversies. Therefore it would be more advisable to differentiate among
the different levels of the regulation, and to authorize the Constitutional
Court to decide on all those procedural rules that are not of an importance to
be guaranteed by the legislature.
7. Position of the Chairman of the Constitutional Court
Finally,
it appears that the position of the Chairman of the Constitutional Court is too strong. In principle, the judges in one judicial body are equal
and the Chairman is only the first among equals (primus inter pares).
This does not exclude certain prerogatives for the Chairman which are necessary
for coordination of the work and representation. However, Articles 15 (6) and
17, for example, speak of another judge having „to execute instructions“ of the
Chairman. If the translation is correct, this does not appear to be an
appropriate terminology. It is suggested that some of the functions of the
Chairman which are provided in Articles 16 and 32 should be carried out by a
small committee of perhaps three senior judges in order to reconcile the
principles of effective administration of the court and the equality of judges.
I.
Comments on Specific Draft
Articles
Article 4: The Constitutional
Court shall
protect the rights and freedoms not only of citizens, but also of any
person (see Article 30).
Article 5: Perhaps it should be made clear that the principle of the
supremacy of the Constitution overrides all other principles which are
mentioned in this article. Otherwise this provision might be invoked as a
justification of circumventing the Constitution by referring, for example, to
(abstract) justice.
It is possible that this is just a problem of the
translation but the term ”collegiality” would be better than ”the collective
responsibility”.
Incorporation of the notion ”adversary system” in the text is
misleading. ”The adversary system”, which the civil proceedings shall
unequivocally be based upon, seems problematic as a fundamental principle in
constitutional proceedings. One should take into consideration that the
constitutional court process shall be based on ascertaining the truth as it has
been stated in the second part of Article 23. The notion ”adversary system”
would be substituted by ”the principle of ascertaining the truth”.
Besides it is difficult to speak about ”parties” in the
classical meaning of the term, especially about ”the petitioner” and ”the
respondent” (see also Article 46). Not denying that equal rights of the
participants in the case have to be ensured, the Court should have the
possibility to freely assess the value of the contribution of a participant to
the constitutional issue which is at stake.
Article 6: The Constitutional
Court does, in
certain ways, depend on the Parliament (Milli Meijlis), in particular with
respect to financial appropriations. Perhaps it should be made clear that the
independence from Parliament is different than the independence from all other
bodies.
Article 7: If there are so many references to Articles of the
Constitution, it would be logical to make a reference to Article 126-128 of the
Constitution as well.
Article 10: An age limit (70) should be introduced.
The reappointment of the judges may threaten their
independence because they could be under pressure by those political forces
that are involved in their reappointment. In accordance with the report of the
Venice Commission on the Composition of Constitutional Courts (Science and
Technique of Democracy, no. 20, p. 19) consideration should be given to the
possibility of life or long term appointments for the judges instead of
reappointments.
Article 13: The reference in Article 13 of the draft to Article 109
(32) of the Constitution effectively means that the President of the Azerbaijan Republic decides by executive order who of the judges shall be the
Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Constitutional Court. This appears to be problematical for two reasons: First,
since the President only nominates the judges but the Parliament (Milli Meijlis)
appoints them (Article 95 (10) of the Constitution) it seems that the Constitution
gives the Parliament more say about the status of the judges at the Constitutional Court. Second, if the positions of
Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Constitutional Court could be
determined by executive order the danger exists that the President also asserts
the right to remove a judge from his position as Chairman or Deputy Chairman
from this position whenever the Chairman does not perform his or her function
to the pleasure of the President. It must at least be made clear that the
President has no such power of removal. The previous Opinion by the Venice
Commission by Messrs. Özbudun, Russell and Lesage (CDL-INF (1996) 10)
has already pointed out that it is preferable to leave the choice of the
Chairman and the Deputy-Chairman to the judges themselves. This would indeed
appear to be the solution which would contribute the best to the independence
of the Constitutional
Court.
Article 15: There is a cross-reference
to article 9.2 of the present law. The draft does not contain such an article.
Article 18: It should only be possible to suspend the powers of a
judge if the arrest has been lawful. Otherwise the provision could be
interpreted that the Plenum of the Constitutional Court is obliged to suspend the powers of a judge only on the
basis that the judge has been arrested. In addition, not every provisional
arrest for a minor (e.g. traffic) offense should be a possible basis for the
suspension of the powers of a judge. Article 18 1) should therefore read:
„lawful arrest of a Judge on the suspicion of having committed a serious offense...“.
The previous Opinion of the Venice Commission CDL-INF (1996) 10 by Messrs. Özbudun, Russell
and Lesage has also made a similar point. This Opinion required that an arrest
of a judge „should only occur in cases of serious in flagrate delicto“.
Moreover, the Opinion says, „in case of the arrest of a judge of the
Constitutional Court, it is necessary to promptly inform not only the
Prosecutor-General of the Republic of Azerbaijan, but also the President of the
Constitutional court and, if necessary, the President of the Supreme Court“.
This statement is still valid today. In addition, it seems inadmissible to
suspend the powers of the Judge for the reasons mentioned in items 2 and 3.
Article 18a: Article 18 of the current
Law should be incorporated into the draft. It reads: "When considering
matters related to the competence of the Constitutional Court, all the judges
of the Constitutional Court, including the President and Vice-President, shall
have equal rights".
Article 20: According to Article 128 (5) it the for the Milli Mejlis
to decide with a qualified majority upon the termination of the mandate of a
judge of the Constitutional
Court.
Article 22: The rules on publicity go very far. Perhaps the legislator
should also think of the need to protect the court from the public pressure
which is connected with live TV coverage. On to this point see also the
previous Opinion of the Venice Commision by Messrs. Özbudun, Russell and Lesage
(CDL-INF (1996) 10, sub. 6). Hearings should be held in cases declared admissible and
when necessary. Obliging the Court to hold oral proceedings in every case
would most probably result in an overburdening of the Court. Publicity can also
be achieved by publishing decisions in the Court's digest, the official gazette
and the media.
Article 23: See comments on Article 5 concerning the adversarial
system.
Article 26: This regulation goes probably too far. See also If there is
a possibility to get acquainted with the materials they should not be announced.
Article 28: The general formal requirements concerning petitions and
complaints are too detailed and will probably be a source of technical
mistakes. What is meant by „the other data of the complainant”? It does not
appear appropriate to ask the petitioner to provide the Court with the
applicable legal provisions and their sources and details. The court knows the
law (iura novit curia). The prohibition to demand an interpretation of
several provisions of the constitution at once is unclear: Does it mean that
those questions have to be put separately, or does it mean that the same
complainant may only ask one question at a time?
Article 29: Only persons capable to contribute to the settling of the
constitutional issue should have the right to be heard at the Constitutional Court which ought not to be burdened with
issues of facts.
It should not be necessary to enclose officially published
documents (like the text of laws) to the petition. References would be
sufficient.
Article 30: This article introduces the procedure of constitutional
complaint by any person as one of the functions of the Constitutional Court. Since the constitutional complaint
procedure can be initiated by every individual it is possible, and even likely,
that the Court will have to deal with a large number of such complaints. The
experience of Constitutional Courts of other countries which know the
constitutional complaint procedure for violations of fundamental rights (e.g.
Germany and Spain) shows that it is advisable to introduce a special
screening procedure to filter out inadmissible or manifestly ill-founded
complaints and even to find a special expedited procedure to deal with
obviously well-founded complaints. However, it may perhaps be advisable to wait
with the introduction of such special screening procedures until a certain
practical experience has been acquired with the actual significance of this constitutional
complaint procedure in Azerbaijan.
It should be expressly stated that both judicial and
administrative acts, or all acts of a domestic public authority can be
challenged by constitutional complaint. Secondly, the vague formulation of
the provision on the other hand does not exclude the application of normative
legal acts by private persons, and could be applied against an act of a private
person which is probably not intended. This aspect of the regulation should be
made more precise, too.
The procedure of the constitutional complaint raises further
questions. The general rules of procedure apply for the registration and the
acceptance of the complaint. Similarly do apply the rules of the constitutional
proceedings. This special procedure would require more specific regulation
especially also as concerns the effects of the decision on the unconstitutionality
both for the individual act under review and the general norm on which the
decision was based (if itself was found unconstitutional). Is the act under
review annulled (preferable) or only declared unconstitutional and sent back to
the authority for review? Does the Constitutional Court in exceptional cases have the powers to take a new decision
on the merits itself? Moreover, it seems necessary to regulate how the
cassation by the Constitutional
Court would effect
legal relationships that has developed prior the publication of the decision.
Here the principles of individual remedy and legal security should be balanced.
Furthermore, one might ask whether this sort of retroactive effect of the Constitutional Court’s decision would prevail only in
criminal cases, or in other jurisdiction (civil, etc.) as well. The
constitutional review may lead to the declaration of the unconstitutionality of
legislative acts, too. In this case the individual constitutional complaint
results in a decision that has erga omnes effect because the legal norm
on which the challenged judicial or administrative act was based is declared
null and void. Thus other acts based on the same norm are invalid, too. Anyway,
it would be desirable to regulate expressly all these matters in the law.
As
concerns the deadlines, seems sufficient that the constitutional complaint must
be submitted within three months after the decision of the court of last
instance. Obviously, the complainant should present in the appeal the previous
instances of his case. The clause „explanations and documents required for
clarification of the circumstances of the case“ might be too large in this
respect. Such evidence could be gathered by the Constitutional Court. Also, the
Constitutional Court should ascertain whether all other legal remedies
have been exhausted.
Article 31: The screening procedure by the Secretariat and the appeal
against its decisions do not appear to be satisfactory. The Secretariat should
not be entitled to check whether all „requirements of the present law“ are
complied with but only whether the formal requirements have been complied with.
The Secretariat should be given the duty to advise the complainant on how to
correct his or her complaint. This would reduce the work of the Chairman
and the other judges when reviewing the complaints against the decision by the
Secretariat. The principle should be that complaints are not rejected
immediately because of formal mistakes.
Article 36: The Court should have the possibility to continue the
proceedings even after the withdrawal of an appeal if it is of the opinion that
the case raises an issue of general interest.
Article 38: According to Article 130 (1) of the Constitution the Constitutional Court shall consist of 9 judges. Article
38 (1) and (4) of the draft provide that there shall be a Plenum and two
Chambers, each Chamber being composed of 4 judges. This raises two questions:
May a particular judge only be a member of one Chamber or of both? And is it
the intention of the drafters that there is always at least one judge of the
Constitutional Court who not a member of a Chamber? If so, this would mean that
there are two classes of judges, a result which would contradict the principle
of equality of judges. A solution might be to institute three chambers with
three judges each. Thus each judge would belong to one chamber and the workload
could be distributed even better between the chambers. When chambers disagree
on points of law the issue should be referred to the plenary.
Article 40: Individual complaints and referrals from ordinary court and
the ombudsman should be dealt with in chambers due to the high possible number
of such cases. When the constitutionality of a law is at stake (as opposed to
the unconstitutionality of a decree or an individual act) that very issue could
be referred to the Plenary for decision. On the basis of this decision of the
plenary the chamber could take the final decision in the individual case.
Article 47: it should read „and bodies and individuals whose
interests are affected by such petitions.
Article 48: This is a very liberal regulation of the status of
„interested subjects“. They seem to have a procedural status which is largely
similar to that of the parties to the dispute themselves. This raises practical
difficulties in particular in the context of oral proceedings.
Article 61: See comments on Article 48. For the sake a proceedings
within reasonable time, copies of submitted documents should rather be sent to
the other participants of a case to enable them to reply in writing.
Chapter VIII: It is unusual that the Court should have the duty to
consider a case within certain specified time-limits (comp. Articles 69, 71,
73, 75, 77). Experience in other countries shows that the workload cannot
always be addressed chronologically and in a timely fashion. The Court may have
so many cases to deal with at the same time that it is impossible to keep
within the time limits. Perhaps it would be advisable to include a clause such
as „shall, if possible, within 15 days consider ...“. It is, however, possible
to demand immediate action upon certain particularly important and urgent
petitions, such as the verification of information concerning the complete
inability of the President of the Azerbaijan Republic (Article 80).
Article 83: Why should the Constitutional Court not be enabled to consider the disputes regarding actual
circumstances of holding elections and calculations of votes? According to
Article 88 of the Constitution this would seem to be its most important task.
Of course it can call the help of others to gather the evidence and it can
refuse to gather evidence if, assuming the complaint would be true, it would
not have changed the result.
Articles 87 and 95: The two articles repeat unnecessarily the same provision on
the inadmissibility of the official interpretation of the resolutions of the Constitutional Court.
Article 88: Perhaps the rules of procedure should regulate the order
of voting (age or seniority).
Article 91 : Reaching the judgment takes some time. It would not be
appropriate that the participants in the case and the audience should sit in
the Court hall to wait for the judgment to be announced. The Court, when
leaving to reach a judgment, could inform about the time when the judgment is
to be announced.
Article 92: It is an elementary rule that criminal provisions must be
laid down and specified in a law (nullum crimen sine lege). While it is
possible to authorize the executive to specify certain generally formulated
criminal provisions, it is not possible to give such an authorization without
any substantive guidelines, as it is the case in the present draft. Both
resolutions and rulings could be covered by a detailed specific provision.
Article 93: (1) should read: „shall enter into force after their
publication from the date specified in the resolutions themselves“.
Article 95: This present formulation can give rise to
misunderstandings. It is suggested to read: „No person or body is competent to
provide a binding interpretation of the resolutions of the Constitutional Court.