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Strasbourg, 18 July 2003
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Restricted
CDL (2003) 50
Engl. only
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Opinion no. 254 / 2003
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EUROPEAN COMMISSION
FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW
(VENICE COMMISSION)
COMMENTS
ON
THE Draft Concept
ON THE STATE NATIONAL POLICY
OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA
by Mr James HAMILTON
(Substitute Member, Ireland)
1.
The
draft Concept of the State national policy of the Republic of Moldova is
essentially a political document. It is not intended as a document which in
itself will have direct legal consequences. My understanding of it is that it
is intended to promote a concept of Moldova as a multi-national, multi-ethnic
and multi-linguistic state which would preserve, develop and permit the free
expression of the ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious identities of the
Moldovan, Russian, Ukranian, Gagauz and other nationalities in Moldova.
2.
These
principles are very clearly expressed in the section of the document entitled
“General Provisions”. This section of the document envisages that the solution
to the language problems of Moldova will be bilingualism with the development
of both Moldovan and Russian in all spheres of political, economic, social and
cultural life. In addition, Gagauz would be an official language in Gagauzia
and Ukrainian in Transdniestria. The aim of these moves is to ensure civic
conciliation and overcome the consequences of civil conflict in the late 1980’s
and early 1990’s. The key challenges include, on the one hand, the eradication
of past attempts at “demoldovenization” and the removal of the insufficient
knowledge of Moldovan language by part of the population, while at the same
time refusing to admit the narrowing of the use of Russian. The document
therefore adopts the standpoint that if Moldova is to survive as a state with
its present boundaries it can only do so on the basis of creating a
multi-national identity and fostering mutual respect and recognition of the
different national groups of which it is comprised. Otherwise no lasting
solution can be found to the problems of Transdniestria and Gagauzia.
3.
Section
II headed “Principles of the State National Policy” largely repeats and
elaborates on this idea. My principal query relates to the reference to the
“priority of the state interests and values”. If this means the interests of
the state as distinct from its component ethno-linguistic parts I see no
difficulty, but it could be read as prioritising the rights of the state over
the citizen. There is an unfortunate reference to the “ethnic physiology of the
Moldavians from Transdniestria” which could well be omitted.
5.
Section
IV deals with State National Policy Objectives. I have the following detailed
comments:
Part I, Political, state and legal area:
Fourth objective: there may be some
translation difficulties here. Presumably what is meant is that instigation to
national discord, propaganda for ideas of racial superiority, instigating
violent acts and interfering with citizens’ rights on ethnic or linguistic
grounds are to be prohibited.
Fifth objective: what is “state
policy in the staff area”? Does this
mean positive discrimination?
Sixth objective: the reference to
“unifying” public authorities and mass-media is not appropriate and seems to
hark back to former times. If the objective was to seek the support of public
authorities and in the mass-media for the policy I would see no difficulty
provided that the right of the media to comment on and criticise state policy
is respected.
Part 2, Social and economic area.
These objectives seem very
imprecise. What is meant by “unifying the whole society”? What is the “unique social and economic
space”? Is this part of the document
necessary at all?
Part 3, Humanitarian area.
I do not understand the title of
this part. Nor do I understand the reference to a “unique system of values”.
Otherwise I see no objection to the content of Part 3.
Part 4, In the foreign policy sphere.
These seem worthy objectives. A
specific reference to the European Convention on Human Rights would be
desirable.
6.
Section
V deals with State National Policy Security. This section envisages that the
Concept will be implemented through a complex programme of measures, to be
approved by Parliament, and involving a dialogue with civil society.
7.
While
the Concept is not itself a legal document, its implementation may have legal
consequences. Recognition of Moldova as a multi-national, multi-ethnic,
multi-linguistic state may call in question whether its status as a unitary
state should continue or whether a federal structure would be more appropriate.
The current Article 13, on the National Language and the use of Russian and
other (unspecified) languages may also be called into question.
__________________________
James Hamilton
15 July 2003