joint recommendations
on the electoral law and
the electoral administration
in AZERBAIJAN
by the
Venice Commission
and the
OSCE/ODIHR
adopted at the 8th meeting
of the Council for Democratic Elections
and endorsed by the Venice Commission
at its 58th Plenary Session
(Venice, 12-13 March 2004).
on the
basis of comments by
mr Richard
BARRETT (Venice Commission Expert, Ireland)
I.
Introduction
1.
Mandate
1. The present recommendations were
elaborated following resolution 1320 (2003) of the Parliamentary Assembly of
the Council of Europe (PACE), which invites the Venice Commission to formulate
opinions concerning possible improvements to electoral legislation and
practices in particular member states or applicant countries.
2. The Venice Commission was asked to prepare a review of the election
legislation and practices, based on the observation reports of the 15 October
2003 presidential election in Azerbaijan published by PACE and the OSCE/ODIHR
and on joint assessments of the successive drafts election code drafted by the Venice Commission and the OSCE/ODIHR. This review, prepared by Mr
Richard Barrett (Venice Commission, expert, Ireland) and the OSCE/ODIHR, resulted in a set of recommendations
for amending the Election Law and changing electoral practice. Many of the
suggestions emanated from the Joint Opinion on the Election Code of the
Republic of Azerbaijan issued by the OSCE/ODIHR/Venice Commission on 22 October 2003 (CDL-AD(2003)015)
prepared on the basis of comments by Mr Georg Nolte (Venice
Commission, substitute member, Germany), Mr
Eugenio Polizzi (VeniceCommission, expert, Italy), Mr Joe Middleton (OSCE/ODIHR, legal expert) and Mr
Rumen Maleev (OSCE/ODIHR, election expert).
3.
Subsequently, Mr Barrett’s draft was submitted for comment to the
OSCE/ODIHR and to the rapporteurs from the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the
Council of Europe.
4. These
recommendations are not exhaustive and must be read in conjunction with
previous observation reports issued by the PACE and OSCE/ODIHR as well as with
previous joint assessments prepared by the Venice Commission and the OSCE/ODIHR that contained more
comprehensive recommendations. Special attention should be paid to the
administration of elections as it has been indicated in election observation
reports of OSCE/ODIHR, PACE, CLRAE and other international observers. This
document does not supersede or replace recommendations contained in previous
reports that should be given due consideration.
5. These
recommendations adopted at the 8th meeting of the Council for
Democratic Elections and endorsed by the Venice Commission at its 58th plenary meeting (Venice, 12-13 March 2004).
2.
Reference documents
6. These
recommendations are based upon:
- the Election Code of Azerbaijan (translation) (CDL(2003)047);
- Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan (CDL(2003)048);
- the Election observation report from the Parliamentary
Assembly on the presidential elections in Azerbaijan on 15 October 2003 (Doc. 1000327, November 2003), as well as the OSCE/ODIHR Final Report on the Presidential Election
(Doc. ODIHR.GAL/78/0313 of November 2003);
-
the joint
OSCE/ODIHR/Venice Commission assessment of the election Code
of the
Republic of Azerbaijan (CDL-AD(2003)015);
-
Main
recommendations for amendments to the draft electoral code of Azerbaijan of the
European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice
Commission, Council of Europe) adopted by the Venice
Commission at its 54th plenary session (Venice,
14-15 March 2003) and the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
(ODIHR)of the OSCE (CDL-AD(2003)003);
-
Joint Assessment of the
Revised Draft Election Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan of 28 November 2002
by the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) of the OSCE
and the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice
Commission, Council of Europe): Endorsed by the Venice
Commission at its 53rd Plenary Session (Doc. CDL-AD(2002)035);
- comments by the OSCE/ODIHR, 2 March 2004;
- the Code of good practice in electoral matters adopted
by the Venice Commission, including the Guidelines on Elections
(CDL-AD(2002)023rev).
II. Proposed changes to the
Election Code
7. The Election Code is still far too complex and
contains repetitions. This creates difficulties for candidates, political
parties, observers, election officials and for anyone who needs to be familiar
with it or wishing to make a complaint. This reduces the transparency of the
legislation and goes contrary to the right of citizens to have a clear
knowledge of the law. The OSCE/ODIHR/VeniceCommission joint assessment (DocumentCDL-AD(2003)015) identified in particular
the provisions on the registration of candidates, and campaign financing in
that regard, but further examples are the lists of those entitled to conduct an
election campaign, and limitations on the content of election campaign
material.
8. The following recommendations deal with a
number of provisions which should be reconsidered:
1.
Composition of Election Commissions
9. The composition of the Central Election
Commission (CEC), Constituency Election Commissions (ConECs) and Precinct
Election Commissions (PECs), set out in the Election Code and the transitional
provisions, should be revised. The commissions should enjoy the confidence of
all major election stakeholders. To achieve this goal they should not be
dominated by pro-government forces. The existing provisions are not sufficient
to ensure that. The recent presidential election demonstrated that the election
commissions do not operate independently enough.
10. The openness of the appointment and the
transparency of the work of the commissions are essential to establish the
legitimacy of the electoral process.
11. The “draft model” proposed by the Venice Commission – OSCE/ODIHR
should be reconsidered.
12. Attention should be
paid to other important aspects of election commissions’ composition:
i)
Leadership of
electoral commissions. The Election Code
gives large powers to the Chairperson of an election commission. Hence, it
would be preferable to appoint chairpersons representing different political
parties. This measure will increase the confidence in the work of the
commissions. The ruling party should not monopolise the chair positions across
the election administration. This contributes to the lack of independence of
the election commissions from the authorities.
ii)
Nomination and
appointment of commissioners. The Election
Code should provide for a clear and transparent procedure of nomination and
appointment of all commissioners.
iii)
Term of office of
commissioners. The 5 years term of office
for regular members of ConECs acting only during election periods and for all
PEC members, acting during election periods and annual drafting of the voters’
lists, looks excessively long and should be revised. This will decrease the
cost of elections.
iv)
The residence
restrictions for PEC membership (Art. 36.2) appear artificial and irrelevant
for constituencies organised for IDPs and refugees from the occupied
territories and should be revised.
v)
Further, decisions of
the commissions should require a quorum of two-thirds and a majority of
two- thirds. This would require a high level of consensus to make the
commissions operative.
- Signing petitions
13. The Election Code
should allow voters to sign petitions on behalf of more than one candidate in
presidential elections, as is already the case in elections to the Milli
Mejlis.
- Refusal of candidates
14. The registration of
candidates should be dramatically improved.
The Election Code should limit and clarify the reasons for refusing
candidates for presidential election. Reasoned decisions have to be provided so
that aggrieved persons can bring complaints to the courts. This concern was
elaborated on in the OSCE/ODIHR Final Report on the 15 October 2003 Presidential Election.
15. The number of
45,000 supporters’ signatures required for the registration of presidential
candidates should be decreased. The 15 October 2003 Presidential Election confirmed that the number of signatures
is not adequate. For instance in the last election, two duly registered
candidates gained a number of votes that was less than the number of collected
signatures. In addition, the checking of signatures is time consuming and open
to abuse.
- Venue for election rallies
16. Art. 86 of the
Election Code should be amended in order to explicitly regulate rallies and
open air gatherings. The election commissions should be given specific power to
recommend to local authorities to provide venues for election rallies under the
same conditions for all contenders. The
Law on the Freedom of Assembly should be amended to curtail the unlimited
powers given to the local authorities to restrict political gatherings, and to
ensure that genuine freedom of assembly is respected during election periods.
This was pointed out in the OSCE/ODIHR Final Report
published on 12 November 2003.
- Right to campaign
17. The phrase
“notwithstanding the right of freedom of expression” should introduce the list
of persons and groups entitled to conduct an electoral campaign set out at the
beginning of Art. 74.1. This is to clarify that the right of freedom of
expression is universal and the list following is additional but not limiting.
This was fully explained in the OSCE/ODIHR - Venice Commission’s joint
assessment of the Election Code of the Republic
of Azerbaijan (CDL-AD(2003)015, par. 15). It is
recommended to add initiative groups of voters nominating candidates, as well
as candidates’ agents and authorised representatives to the list of subjects
entitled to conduct campaign (Art. 74.1).
18. By the same token,
Art. 88.1 should include the mention “subject to the right of freedom of
expression” before the list of limitations on the content of election campaign
material. It is all the more important as the limitations refer to “insulting
citizens’ honour or dignity” that is so general.
- Financing provisions
19. The
election financing provisions in Art. 94 and 95 are too complex and
impose a rather cumbersome burden on candidates and parties. This was
highlighted in the OSCE/ODIHR - Venice Commission Joint final assessment of the
Election Code (Doc.CDL-AD(2003)015, par. 18).
- Free Air Time
20. Article 194 of the
Code establishes a 5% threshold necessary for releasing presidential candidates
from the obligation to pay the cost of free airtime and space. The threshold
should be reduced to 3% in line with the 3% threshold fixed for parliamentary
and municipal elections (Art. 161 and Art. 230). It is recommended to request
3% of valid votes, rather than of the number of voters in the relevant
constituency.
- Return of deposit
21. The Election Code
should provide for unconditional return of the voluntary registration deposit
to candidates who collected 3% or more of valid votes.
- Observers
22. The fact that some
NGOs receive foreign State funding should not prohibit them from appointing observers
as was pointed out in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
(PACE) and OSCE/ODIHR reports. This will require an amendment to the Law on
Public Unions and Foundations.
23. The Code should specify that observers have a
role and a right of access to electoral commissions after polling day until all
the electoral tasks are completed. This increases the transparency of the
commissions’ activities, especially the CEC, in the crucial days before the
announcement of the final results.
24. The Election Code
should also be amended so as to provide for a simple procedure (at PEC level)
for registration of individual observers.
25. The Election Code
does not require accreditation by election officials for party or candidates’
observers monitoring the work of specific PEC on election day
(Art. 40.16). However, during the last presidential election, the CEC issued
instructions establishing a cumbersome and complex registration procedure for
such observers as well as for individual observers.
- Deregistration procedures
26. The “de-registration” procedures are open to
abuse leading to the possibility of persons voting at more than one polling
station, especially in the absence of a provision for voter marking (inking) on
polling day. This was pointed out in the PACE report of November 2003. This
procedure should be reconsidered. If the de-registration is kept, the procedure
should start after the formal closure of the voter lists (35 days before election day) when amendments and inclusions are made only
by court decision. Additionally, PECsshould be responsible for the issuance of de-registration cards and not the
ConECs. Provision for voter marking (inking) was in earlier drafts of the
Election Code. This efficient anti-fraud measure should be looked at again
since it diminishes the risk of multiple voting. This was pointed out in the
OSCE/ODIHR - Venice Commission assessment(CDL-AD(2003)015, par. 42).
- Invalid ballot papers
27. It should be made
clear, in Art. 200.3, that a ballot paper is invalid if no square is marked
(cf. Art. 106.3.4 and 167.3).
- Protocols
28. It is recommended to shorten the list of
items to be included in the results protocols (Art. 100), which would simplify
the completion of protocols and limit errors. Art. 100.2.4 and Art. 100.2.6 are redundant – the information requested there duplicates
the information contained in Art. 100.2.5, Art. 100.2.7 and Art. 100.2.8.
- Preliminary declarations
29. The Code should
provide for an announcement of preliminary results within 24 hours as was
recommended in the PACE report of November 2003. The recent experience proved
that this is technically possible. Such a practice can ease the tension
surrounding any elections and increase confidence in the results. By the same
token, the Code should provide for an explicit obligation – rather than a
possibility – for the CEC to post the precinct results on its website
immediately after it receives them from the ConECs.
30. While legal
provisions for the tabulation procedure at ConEC and CEC level were improved
compared to the previous legislation additional clarifications are required on
the receipt of PEC protocols and their computerised tabulation. Transparency of
the process should be increased in order to limit serious violations and
malpractices reported in the past during this crucial election phase.
- Reference to Constitutional Court
31. The 14-day period
in the Election Code during which the CEC can send presidential election
results to the Constitutional Court should be
reduced, so that the court has time to carry out its function properly, before
the end of the 14-day period allowed under Art. 102 of the
Constitution. This unsatisfactory clash between the Code and the
constitutional provision was pointed out in the OSCE/ODIHR Final Report on 2003
Presidential Election.
32. As imposed by the
2002 constitutional changes the long time postponed amendments to the
Constitutional Court Law aimed to put into effect the citizens’ right to appeal
to the Constitutional Court should be
enacted urgently by Milli Majlis.
- Complaints and appeals
33. The complaint
procedure should allow direct and speedy complaint to a court, whether the
issue could lead to criminal liability or not. This is to provide an effective
remedy to protect the electoral right. It is unacceptable that the subtle
difference between complaints which could lead to criminal liability and those
which could not, should determine venue especially when the time for bringing
complaints is so short. Further Art. 112.1 should be
rewritten to clarify whether the right to file a complaint is intended to be
universal in relation to all decisions, and the three-day limit should be
extended. As suggested by the Joint final assessment of the Election Code of
the Republic of Azerbaijan (CDL-AD(2003)015, par. 54), the
first appeal could be made to an election commission.
34. The OSCE/ODIHR
final Report on the Presidential Election pointed out the necessity of amending
the Code by requiring more expeditious investigations of election-related
issues by the Prosecutor’s Office.
- Declaration of invalidity
35. The cancellation of results, declared on a
large scale after the recent presidential election, should only be made in a
reasoned manner following a transparent process, as they effectively cancel the
votes of voters. Only an open and reasoned process leading to invalidity can
protect the electoral right, determine responsibility for violations, and
provide lessons for future elections. As pointed out in the OSCE/ODIHR-VeniceCommission joint assessment (CDL-AD(2003)015, par.48), it is difficult to find
the results of an election acceptable if due to irregularities the election
results in 40% of the relevant precincts were declared invalid.
36. It was also pointed out in that assessment that sanctions should be proportional to the mistake,
shortcoming or violation committed. For example it is highly disputable whether
all votes cast at a polling station should be declared invalid merely because a
voter has omitted to sign the voters’ list (Art. 106.2). This consequence is
too drastic and does not respect the principle of proportionality.
- Intimidation of election staff
37. Stronger sanctions are
needed against threatening and intimidating electoral staff. In particular
consideration should be given to putting in place a presumption that when
officials involved in the electoral process are dismissed from public
employment during a specific period before or after Election Day, there should
be a presumption that the dismissal arises from their conduct at the election,
so that the authorities would have to prove the contrary. The scale of this
problem after the recent presidential election was highlighted in the
OSCE/ODIHR final Report of November 2003.
- Referendum turnout
38. The 25% turnout requirement for a referendum
to be valid (Art. 139.1) is too low and should be increased.
III. Changes
in practice
39.
As soon as possible the authorities should undertake steps towards the
transformation of the State TV into an independent public service broadcaster,
with balanced reporting, including when covering executives’ activities during
election periods. (OSCE/ODIHR Final Report on Presidential Election)
40.
The CEC should take a broader view of its mandate, and in particular
should ensure the implementation of Article 17.4 of the Election Code, which
states that election commissions’ decisions and acts within their authority are
obligatory for state bodies and municipalities. This provision puts the CEC in
a position to insist on adequate co-operation from other State bodies to ensure
that all elements of the Election Code are implemented adequately.
41.
CEC Instructions and Regulations should be clear, simple, genuinely
explanatory and consistent with the Code. They should not be a mere repetition
of the Election code’s provision.
42.
Detailed CEC instructions are needed to regulate the use of the State
Automated Information System for maintaining the voter register, preparation of
the voter lists for forthcoming elections and for tabulation and publication of
the election results on the CEC Internet site.
43.
During election periods (before the start of the campaign) the CEC
should create an independent media council with professional and non-partisan
composition, with a clear mandate to oversee the campaign through mass media. (OSCE/ODIHR Final Report on Presidential Election).
44. There must be
better training for PECs and ConECs members to ensure the best practice across the
whole country.
45. All decisions of
electoral commissions should be clear and reasoned so that aggrieved persons
can judge whether to make a formal complaint.
46. There must be more
co-operation with observers and in particular there should be no instruction
from officials that observers have to stand in one place only in polling
stations, as suggested in the PACE report of November 2003.
47. All electoral
protocols should be published and publicly posted within the specified time
limits.
48. The election
commissions have to remain available to observers, the media and possible
complainants in the period following the election until the whole process is
completed.
49. Safeguards should
be instituted to ensure that Executive Committees (local authorities) do not
interfere in the electoral process or direct the work of election commissions.