EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW
(VENICE COMMISSION)
OPINION
ON THE DRAFT LAW ON THE JUDICIARY
AND
THE DRAFT LAW ON THE
STATUS OF JUDGES
OF UKRAINE
adopted by the Venice Commission
at its 70th
Plenary Session
(Venice, 16-17 March 2007)
on the basis of
comments by
Mr James HAMILTON
(Substitute member, Ireland)
Mr Giacomo OBERTO
(Expert, Directorate
General of Legal Affairs,
Division for the Judiciary
and Programmes)
Ms Hanna SUCHOCKA (Member, Poland)
Mr Ales ZALAR
(Expert, Directorate
General of Legal Affairs,
Division for the
Judiciary and Programmes)
Table of
contents
1. Introduction. 3
2. General
remarks. 3
3. Fundamental
provisions. 4
4. The system
of courts. 5
5. The
appointment of judges. 6
5.1. Initial
appointment 6
5.2. Election
to a permanent post 7
5.3. Judicial
promotions. 8
6. Disciplinary
liability and dismissal of judges. 9
7. Judicial
self-government 11
7.1. The
institutions of judicial self-government 12
7.2. The
highest judicial self-government authorities. 14
8. Judicial
budget and remuneration of judges. 17
9. Conclusion. 17
1. By letter dated 10 October 2006,
the Chairman of the Ukrainian Commission for Strengthening Democracy and the
Rule of Law, Mr. Serhiy Holovaty requested an opinion on the draft
laws on the Status of Judges and the Law on the Judiciary (CDL(2006)096 and
097, revised versionsCDL(207)040 and 039). Both texts were submitted by the
President of the Ukraine to the Verkhovna Rada (Parliament)
of Ukraine on 27
December 2006.
2. The present joint opinion of the Venice Commission and the Division for the
Judiciary and Programmes of the Directorate General of Legal Affairs of the
Council of Europe was prepared on the basis of comments by Mr Hamilton (CDL(2007)034)
and Ms Suchocka (CDL(2007)035) for the Venice Commission and Mr Oberto
(PCRED/DG1/EXP(2006)49) and Mr Zalar (PC-TC(2006)22) for the Division for the
Judiciary and Programmes.
3. Within the framework of the Joint
Programme between the European Commission and the Council of Europe on
Selection and Appointment Procedure, Training, Disciplinary Liability, Case
Management and Alternative Dispute Resolution, all four rapporteurs
participated in a conference on the draft laws on 12-13 February 2007 in Kiev
where they presented their comments. The Conference was attended by a number of
members of the Ukrainian Parliament, the Presidential Administration, the
Ministry of Justice, judges from Ukraine and legal practitioners and members
of non-governmental organizations. The results of this Conference are reflected
in the present opinion.
4. Following an exchange of views
with Mr Serhii Kivalov, Chairman of the Committee on Justice of the Verkhovna
Rada of Ukraine, the present opinion was adopted by
the Commission at its 70th Plenary session (Venice, 16-17 March 2007).
5. The Commission welcomes the draft
laws as a clear improvement as compared
to the present situation and previous drafts (see also previous opinions
related to the judiciary in Ukraine (see also opinions on previous
constitutional and legislative drafts CDL-AD(2005)015, CDL-AD (2003)019,
CDL(2001)078 and 055). Nonetheless, the draft laws will require a number of
further improvements in order to guarantee an independent and efficient
judiciary.
6. There is a good deal of
interlinking between the two draft laws and the fact that there are two laws
leads to a considerable amount of repetition. It would be simpler and clearer
to have one law “On the judiciary and on the status of judges” instead of two
separate laws, since the same issues dealt with are often spread between the
two laws. Disciplinary procedures for example are partly regulated in the draft
“Law on the Judiciary” (hereinafter “Judiciary”) and partly in the draft “Law on
the Status of Judges” (hereinafter “Status”). In order to correctly interpret
the provisions, both laws have to be read together. A single law would make the
regulations more coherent and understandable.
7.
The Commission was informed that the Parliamentary Committee on the
Judiciary submitted a draft resolution proposing to adopt the two draft laws on
the judicial reform as such in the first reading and to merge them into a single draft for the final reading. Such a step
would be most welcome.
8. Secondly, the laws are extremely detailed. This method of drafting seems to be
part of the Ukrainian legal culture. It does, however, have the significant
drawback that where something is not mentioned at all one has to be doubtful
whether general provisions cover the matter sufficiently. For example, nowhere
in the provisions dealing with disciplinary liability of judges is it set out
clearly that the judge has a right to legal representation and to put forward a
case against his accusers. In these circumstances one has to wonder whether it
is intended that a judge should have this very fundamental right in the event
of disciplinary proceedings being brought. In many places there is a level of
detail to be found in the law which one would not in other legal cultures
expect to be regulated at the level of statute law but which would be dealt
with in subordinate legislation. Despite the attempt to provide for every
eventuality the level of detail at times makes it quite difficult to locate the
provisions relating to a particular matter. Some articles are written in such a
way that they give the impression that they contain not only substantive
provisions but also some kind of comment to other provisions.
9. Both the draft Law on the Status
of Judges and the draft Law on the Judiciary commence with sections dealing
with basic provisions and fundamentals of organization of the judiciary. Not
surprisingly there is a great deal of repetition between these two sections.
Much of what is contained in these two sections of the two draft laws is unexceptionable
and indeed admirable. There are statements both of the independence of the
judge on an individual basis and of the independence of the judiciary as a
whole. There is also a very clear statement that interference with
the judge’s activity of administering justice shall be prohibited and shall
entail liability defined by the law. The general
rules are in line with European standards.
10.
Nonetheless, the provision of Article 3.5 Status, according to which
“All state authorities, institutions and organizations, local self-government
authorities, citizens and their unions shall be bound to respect the
independence of judges and not infringe on it” remains too vague, as it is not
linked to specific sanctions or a procedure to implement this rule. Also
Article 5 Status providing that “Display of contempt of judge (court) from
persons participating in case consideration or present at the trial
proceedings, as well as committing actions out of court that speak for an
evident contempt of judge in relation to his/her judicial activities shall
entail liability pursuant to the law” does not live up to the wider concept of
“contempt of court.” Judges need a means
to protect themselves against any kind of external pressure or influence through
clear and stringent criminal sanctions against all those who would attempt to infringe
upon the independence of the judiciary.
11.
There seems not to be a need for
the requirement that a criminal case against a judge can be initiated only by
the General Prosecutor or his/her deputy (Art. 4.4 Status). But despite
this provision, in the light of the provisions on disciplinary procedure, it is
not clear who initiates the procedure.
12. One provision which is
questionable is that which provides that judges are inviolable and immune from
arrest except with the approval of the Verkhovna Rada. It is not appropriate that the parliament should
have any role in lifting a judges’ immunity. This should be a matter for a
court of law to decide based on clearly defined criteria. Such a change would
however require a constitutional amendment.
13. In general,
the immunity of judges is too wide. Article 4.1 Status states that immunity of
a judge shall cover his/her housing, office premises, transport and means of
communication, correspondence, his/ her property and documents. Thus, the scope
of immunity seems to be even wider than parliamentary immunity. The Venice
Commission was always critical towards the scope of immunity of judges stating
that: “it is very doubtful whether there is a need for such a wide immunity for
judges like that for deputies…there
should be only a limited functional immunity for judges from arrest,
detention and other criminal proceedings that interfere with the workings of
the court.” (CDL-AD(2005)023). Such a functional immunity should exclude criminal
liability for unintentional errors committed during adjudication.
14.
Article 9.3 Status does not comply with international legal standards as
regards membership in professional unions. The European Charter on the Statute
for Judges recognises the right of judges to join professional organisations
and a right of expression (paragraph 1.7) in order to avoid excessive rigidity
which might set up barriers between society and the judges themselves
(paragraph 4.3). Principle IV - associations of Recommendation R(94)12 provides
that judges should be free to form associations, which, either alone or with another
body, have the task of safeguarding their independence and protect their
interests. Judges should be therefore
free to join judges associations or unions. “… Judges may exercise the
right to join trade unions (freedom of association), although restrictions may
be placed on the right to strike” (see CCJE, Opinion No. 3, paragraph
34).
15. In many European countries the irremovability of judges is explicitly guaranteed in the country’s
constitution or in an ordinary law. An amendment to the Constitution of Ukraine
in this respect would provide an additional guarantee.
16. Article 16 Judiciary recognises
that the courts in Ukraine are established on the basis of
three principles, those of territorial division, specialisation and division of
courts between courts of first instance and courts of appeal. The lowest layer
is that of local courts. These are divided in turn between divisional courts
and circuit courts. These circuit courts are of three types, economic,
administrative and criminal courts (Articles 16-23 Judiciary). The second level
of courts are courts of appeal. These hear appeals from the local courts. There
are three types of courts, those hearing civil and criminal cases, those
hearing economic cases, and those dealing with administrative cases (Article 24
Judiciary). The third level of courts are high specialised courts. According to
Article 29 Judiciary, these are cassation courts, but in exceptional cases they
can hear full appeals or can also act as courts of first instance. They are
specialised into four divisions, the high civil court, the high economic court,
the high administrative court and the high criminal court (Article 29
Judiciary). The final court of general jurisdiction is the Supreme Court.
According to Article 36 Judiciary its functions include reviewing cases, giving
explanations of the law to ensure its uniform application, and dealing with
international law, as well as various other more specialised matters.
17. In addition, there is a Constitutional Court. The present drafts do not deal
with the Constitutional Court except insofar as the members of
that court are represented on the Council of Judges of Ukraine (Article 80
Judiciary) and in relation to the appointment and dismissal of the members of
the Constitutional Court by the Congress of Judges of
Ukraine (Article 76 Judiciary).
18. The system of courts thus proposed is quite an elaborate and complex one.
Although the system is simpler than that proposed in earlier drafts (which
provided in addition for separate courts of cassation) there are in fact four
levels of court and each level is itself subdivided between economic courts,
civil courts, administrative courts and criminal courts. Obviously the more
elaborate the courts system is the greater potential for procedural delays to
occur. In order to reduce the number of levels of courts, Article 125 of the
Constitution would need to be amended, though.
19. The procedure of establishment of courts as described in Article 18
Judiciary seems to be rather complicated. They are established and dissolved by
the President of Ukraine upon submission of the Minister for Justice of Ukraine
and after hearing the views of the President of the Supreme Court, the President of the relevant High Specialised Court, and the Head of the State Judicial
Administration of Ukraine. On the other hand, there is no role for the Council
of Judges. While this procedure could be seen as promoting co-operation and
providing for a balance between judiciary and executive, it seems that the
decisive role for establishing and dissolving courts belongs to the President
on the recommendation of the Minister of Justice. A system involving so many
bodies could even lead to tensions between them. A simpler and clearer system
of cooperation between the President
and/or the Ministry of Justice and involving the High Council of Justice would
seem more appropriate.
20.
There are also doubts as to the competence of the High Specialised
Courts (Article 34.2.1 Judiciary) and the Supreme Court (Article 36.2.2
Judiciary) to provide “explanations” in order to ensure the uniform application
of legal norms in the judicial practice. The notion is not very clear. Higher courts contribute to the unification
of judicial practice by way of appeal in individual cases not through abstract
norms.
21.
In order to avoid any manipulation or even the appearance of it, the
draft Law on the Judiciary should also make clear that every person is entitled
to a lawful judge selected by objective rules defined and published in advance,
by automatic allocation of cases.
22. Procedures for the appointment of
judges are central to the question of judicial independence in any system. In
relation to this matter in Ukraine an important role is played by the
High Qualifications Commission. It is not established by the Law on the Status
of Judges but its procedures are dealt with by that Law as well as by the Law
on the Judiciary. The judges at various levels are represented on the High
Qualifications Commission. In addition, there are separate qualifications
commissions for lower courts. The High Qualifications Commission is in charge
of conducting exams to qualify persons for the office of judge (Articles 28 to 31
Status).
23.
The composition of the High
Qualifications Commission seems problematic. Why should a member representing city of Kiev council, and oblast council and
Verkhovna Rada of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea be among the members of an independent body for
the qualification of judges? Taking into account that the process of election
of judges by Parliament is already
rather politicised (see below), the preparation of candidacies, should be
entirely in the hands of an independent body. The procedure of the High
Qualification Commission is not transparent. There is no need for a separate High Qualifications Commission and its
competencies should be attributed to a High Council of Justice composed with a
majority of judges. If this cannot be achieved via a required
constitutional amendment, the independence of the High Qualifications
Commission needs to be further strengthened.
24. According to Article 32 Status,
the procedure for appointing to the post of a judge (by which is meant merely
the first appointment of a judge on a temporary basis for a period of five
years) is that the High Qualifications Commission of Judges of Ukraine
announces a competition. Candidates apply for recommendation for appointment.
The High Qualifications Commission conducts a competition and makes a decision
which it sends to the High Council of Justice. The High Council of Justice
considers the recommendation and makes a submission to the President of Ukraine
who makes a decision. According to Article 34.23 Status if the President
rejects the submission he has to issue a justified order. The discretionary powers of the President should be curbed by limiting
him or her to verify whether the necessary procedure for selection and
appointment has been followed by the High Qualification Commission and High
Council of Justice. The decision of the President of the Republic would
therefore have the effect of a “notary”.
25.
In some respects the procedures
for the initial appointment of judges are not sufficiently transparent. Article
27 Status refers to the documents to be submitted to the High Qualifications
Commission. Paragraph 10 refers to “other documents” – what are these other
documents? Article 29 Status deals with the “qualification exam”. Where there
is a complaint by a candidate the High Qualifications Commission can cancel the
results of the exam with regard to the complainant and order a new or an
additional exam in respect of that candidate (Article 29.7 Status). This seems
a very unusual provision. Article 28.4 Status permits the High Qualifications
Commission to collect information about he candidates and instruct others to do
so and allows organisations and citizens to submit information about the
candidate. Finally, before recommending a candidate for appointment the High
Qualifications Commission can take account not only of the exam and medical
certificate but also of an interview and “other information” which defines the
candidate’s “level of professional knowledge, personal and moral qualities”.
What kind of information? What kind of procedure regulates the collecting of
this kind of information? What is the state of knowledge of the candidate about
this information? This provision is not in line with European standards and
goes against the transparency of the whole process of selection of judges.
Taken together these provisions raise the fear that extraordinary interventions could take place in the process.
Similar questions arise about other stages of a judge’s advancement – for
example, Article 38.13 Status refers to “other documents certifying [the]
candidate’s preparedness to work on the stated post of judge” where permanent
appointment is concerned, and Article 37.2 Status which permits the High
Qualifications Commission to consider “other materials” before recommending a
candidate to permanent appointment.
26.
The initial appointment as a judge is for a five-year probationary
period. Probationary periods by definition raise difficulties for judicial
independence but if they are to apply they should not be longer than is needed
to assess a judge’s suitability. Five years seems too long a period. The Venice Commission considers that setting probationary periods can undermine
the independence of judges, since they might feel under pressure to decide
cases in a particular way. This should not be interpreted as excluding all
possibilities for establishing temporary judges. In countries with relatively
new judicial systems there might be a practical need to first ascertain whether
a judge is really able to carry out his or her functions effectively before
permanent appointment. If probationary appointments are considered
indispensable, a “refusal to confirm the
judge in office should be made according to objective criteria and with the
same procedural safeguards as apply where a judge is to be removed from office”
(CDL-AD(2005)038, § 30). A change of Article 125 of the Constitution would
be required to overcome this problem.
27.
In the case of elections to permanent posts of judges, Articles 36 to 45
Status apply. The High Qualifications Commission announce a competition and
make a decision on a recommendation with a proposal to the Verkhovna Rada. A
committee of the Verkhovna Rada then examines the matter. The committee can
consider submissions by citizens, civic organisations and other bodies
concerning the activity of the candidate. Representatives of various bodies
including the Supreme Court, the High Specialised Courts, the High Council of
Justice, the High Qualifications Commission, the Disciplinary Commission, the
Council of Judges of Ukraine as well as the candidate are invited to the
meeting of the committee of the Verkhovna Rada. The committee in turn makes a
recommendation on the proposal which it sends to a plenary sitting of the
Verkovna Rada. Under Article 42 Status every deputy in the Verkhovna Rada is
entitled to question the candidate directly. If objections are raised the
matter has to be remitted to the committee for further consideration (Article 42.4
Status). Under Article 43 Status the Verkhovna Rada elects candidates following
an open vote. Candidates who are rejected twice can no longer be a candidate.
28.
It seems that this provides for a highly
politicised method of appointment. The idea of hearings at which so many
people can be present and every deputy can question candidates
for judicial office are particularly likely to politicise
the process. The opportunities for grandstanding by deputies in the Parliament
are obvious. Furthermore, the procedures for giving publicity to objections, no
matter how ill-founded, seem almost designed to inflict damage even on
candidates for judicial office who survive this procedure.
29.
Also in respect to other countries, the Venice Commission always found that “the
parliament is undoubtedly much more engrossed in political games and the
appointments of judges could result in political bargaining in the parliament
in which every member of Parliament coming from one district or another will
want to have his or her own judge” (CDL-AD(2002)026, § 22). Appointments of judges of ordinary
(non-constitutional) courts are not an
appropriate subject for a vote by Parliament because the danger
that political considerations prevail over the objective merits of a candidate
cannot be excluded. Admittedly, in order to avoid the involvement of Parliament
in the appointment of judges, it would
be necessary to change
Article 128 of the Constitution.
30. However, even within the current
constitutional framework it would be necessary to provide for a fair
procedure for the appointment of judges by Parliament. Objective criteria
in the choice should be binding for Parliament, which should be obliged to give
reasons for granting or denying reappointment (see e.g. Article 44.3 Status,
according to which “Proposal of candidates for election for a post of judge
without term limitation, which were rejected twice by the Verkhovna Rada
of Ukraine, shall not be permitted”). There is a danger that an applicant who
in his/her previous activity has issued a judgement “angering” some political
actors, risks that re-appointment will be denied. In order to limit this
danger, if the High Qualification Commission insists on a candidate rejected
by Parliament a second rejection should require a qualified majority.
31. The criterion for the assessment of judges
referring to the “number of quashed, changed court decisions, grounds for
quashing changing court decisions” in Article 38.2.8 is a quite dangerous one.
As a consequence, during the probation period judges will feel themselves
obliged to follow blindly principles and case-law set forth by “superior”
judges, and will not attempt to decide cases according to their convictions and
conscience, as (quite on the contrary) each judge should do.
32.
Articles 46-49 Status deal with the process of attestation. This
basically involves certification that judges are fit to advance from one level
to the next and this procedure is under the control of the High Qualifications
Commission. According to Article 49.4 Status a qualification test is to be
carried out in order to check the knowledge of the professional judge, identify
the level of the qualification of the judge, his or her ability to work at a
professional level and to properly administer justice, including in the courts
of higher level. There is an interview which concerns “the actual
administration of justice by the judge and performance of his or her official
duties”. It is clear that this process could have a serious effect on sitting
judges who hope to advance to a more senior level. It is therefore very important that the criteria for making
such an assessment are very clearly stated and are such as not to infringe the
principle of individual judicial independence. In relation to decisions
made by one of the qualifications commissions for the lower courts there is an
appeal to the High Qualifications Commission.
33.
In order to make the system of promotions more objective, appointments of judges to another office,
in particular a higher position, should be done on a competitive
basis, possibly by filling all vacant posts at a
given time during regular and anonymous competitions.
34.
Article 52 Status deals with disciplinary liability. Grounds for
disciplinary liability include the following:
“Evident[ly]
unqualified solution of [a] case”
“Creation
of obstacles for persons access to justice”
“Committing
an immoral deed …”
“Systematic
ignoring of position of high-level courts regarding application of legal norms
…”.
35.
It appears that a reference to an “evident[ly] unqualified solution of a
case” creates a potential for disciplining a judge whose decision the
disciplinary body does not agree with. The protection of the principle of
individual responsibility of the judge requires that any such provision be
approached with a great deal of caution. A similar comment could be made in
relation to questions about ignoring decisions of courts at a higher level, or
creation of obstacles for access to justice or intentional delay. These would
appear capable of a somewhat subjective interpretation and it would be
important that if such matters are to be grounds for disciplining a judge they
should be very precisely and clearly delineated. In relation to the question of
committing an immoral deed it appears that this goes beyond a requirement that
the behaviour be unlawful and it would be important
to specify precisely what is meant by an immoral deed warranting
disciplinary liability.
36.
The bodies that carry out disciplinary proceedings are the Disciplinary
Commission of Judges of Ukraine who deal with judges of the local courts and
courts of appeal, and the High Council of Justice. The procedure provides that
a judicial inspector is appointed who can examine material on the cases and ask
questions. He can obtain information from the State Judicial Administration and
from court staff (Article 54 Status). There is no mention of the right of representation of the judge and this is
an omission which should be rectified.
37.
Under Article 57 Status disciplinary remedies include admonishing,
reduction in rank, and exemption from rank and a decision can be published. It
is also possible to propose the dismissal of the judge. There is an appeal from
the disciplinary committee to the High Council of Justice. A reference to the
court concerns only the procedural issues (Article 58 Status). There is no provision for a full appeal to a
court from the High Council of Justice where it makes the decision.
38.
Articles 59 to 68 Status deal with suspensions and dismissals from the
post of judge. No distinction is made between a dismissal in the proper sense
of the word, i.e., the removal of someone against his will for misconduct or
the like, and the situation which arises when a person reaches the retirement
age or where he has to cease being a judge because of ill-health. However, a
distinction should be made between dismissal on grounds which may be regarded
as discreditable and the retirement of a judge for other reasons. Article 71
Status deals with the procedure before the Verkhovna Rada who are given powers
to question the judge. There is no
mention of the power of the judge to question any witnesses and this seems
to be a serious omission. A committee of the Verkhovna Rada consider the matter
and make a proposal to plenary. Under Article 73.3 Status the judges
explanations “shall be listened to” and he can be questioned by any deputy.
However, this seems much less than the full right of representation that one
would expect. There is no mention of the
judge having the right to question or confront her or his accuser.
39.
By referring to “evasion of the required training at the National School
of Judges of Ukraine”, the draft Law introduces a
mandatory system of training for judges. However, according to Opinion No 3 of
the Consultative Council of European Judges (CCEJ) of the Council of Europe, “the in-service training should normally be
based on the voluntary participation of judges; (…) there may be mandatory
in-service training only in exceptional cases; examples might (if the judicial
or other body responsible so decided) include when a judge takes up a new post
or a different type of work or functions or in the event of fundamental changes
in legislation”. Taking this into account, the
avoidance of a required training, should
not be seen as ground for disciplinary liability.
40.
The formulation of Article 52.1
Status on „intentional violation of norms of procedural law during execution of
justice or evidently unqualified solution of case” is inappropriate. An incorrect interpretation of the law by
the judge should be solved by way of
appeal and not by way of a disciplinary
procedure. The judge’s disciplinary responsibility in such a sensitive area
as the adjudication process should be formulated in more precise way.
41.
Article 52.5 Status refers to the very imprecise term “morality” and
should be absorbed by item 6 on systematic or grave violation of rules of
judge’s ethics.
42.
Art. 54 Status provides that disciplinary
proceedings shall be carried out by: 1) the Disciplinary Commission of Judges
(for judges from local and appellate courts), 2) the High Council of Justice
(for judges of specialised courts and Supreme Court Judges). The detailed regulations aim to make the disciplinary
procedure very transparent, which can be welcome as a solution going in right
direction.
43.
However, High Council of Justice
has no judicial majority (this would require a constitutional amendment).
The explanatory memorandum of the European Charter on the statute for judges
(DAJ/DOC (98) 23) points out that disciplinary sanctions shall be imposed by “…a decision taken following a proposal or recommendation or with the
agreement of a tribunal or authority, at least one half of whose members must
be elected judges. The judge must be given a full hearing and be entitled to
representation.” Furthermore, there is no provision on an appeal to a court against disciplinary measures.
The Memorandum also underlines the right of appeal of this decision to a
higher judicial authority. This view is supported
by the United Nations’ Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary. In its Principle 17, they emphasise the
judge’s right to a fair hearing and under Principle 20 they mention that
decisions in disciplinary proceedings should be subject to an independent
review. This position is also supported by Article 6 of the European Convention
on Human Rights on the right to a fair trial, which establishes a direct link
between this right and the independence of the judge.
44. The draft law on Status is not
very clear about the body which is to start a disciplinary action. In order to
provide for an accusatorial (as opposed to inquisitorial) system, there should
be a clear-cut distinction between the body which has to inquire into possible
violations (the inspection service), the body which has the right to initiate
the procedure (Minister of Justice, Chief Prosecutor?), the body which presents
the accusation (it could be a substitute of the Chief Prosecutor) and the body
which decides on the merits of the case.
45. The relationship between grounds
for disciplinary proceedings and grounds for dismissal should be clarified. The
situations contemplated in Articles 63-65 Status should rather be listed among
disciplinary cases. In order to comply with the principle of proportionality,
outright dismissal should be possible only in most serious cases or cases of
repetition. For example, a violation of incompatibility rules is usually a case
for disciplinary responsibility; there is no need to immediately expel a judge
from the judiciary for violating a minor incompatibility rule. The same is true
for a minor violation of oath and for entry into legal force of a judgment of
conviction regarding a judge. It is not necessary to dismiss a judge because
s/he has been convicted for causing a car accident. On the other hand, it
should be possible to dismiss a judge who has intentionally and systematically
committed grave violations of some of the rules in Article 52 Status (e.g.
items 7 and 12). Oddly, this appears to be the consequence of the fact that
rules on dismissal do not make any reference to the Article 52 Status.
46.
The draft law on the judiciary contains detailed provisions on the
question of “judicial self-government” which is defined in Article 67
Judiciary. Paragraph 1 states that judicial self-government “shall exist for
settling issues of internal operation of courts in Ukraine, which means autonomous collective
resolution of such matters by professional judges”. Paragraph 2 provides that
the judicial self-government is one of the most important guarantees for
ensuring the autonomy of courts and independence of judges. It goes on to say
that the activity of bodies of the judicial self-government shall facilitate
the creation of proper organisational and other conditions essential for the
normal operation of courts and judges, establish the independence of the
courts, ensure protection of judges from interference in judicial activity, and
also raise the quality of work with court personnel. It is provided in
paragraph 3 that internal matters of court operations are to include issues of
organisational support of courts and judges’ activities as well as social
protection of judges and their families and other matters. Other specific
objectives of judicial self-government are referred to in paragraph 4 of this
Article and include participation by judges in the determination of their needs
relating to personnel, financial, material, technical and other kinds of
support for courts as well as dealing with matters pertaining to the
appointment of judges and their discipline.
47.
Thus the idea of judicial self-government is seen as central to the
protection of one of the core principles governing the judiciary, that of
judicial independence. Here it is worth recalling that the independence of the
judiciary has two facets: firstly, that the judiciary as a whole are to be
independent of other branches of government, that is to say, the executive and
the legislature, and secondly, that the individual judge be free of any
external influence. As is set out in paragraph 1 of value 1 of the Bangalore
Principles of Judicial Conduct (2000):
“A judge shall
exercise the judicial function independently on the basis of the judges
assessment of the facts and in accordance with a conscientious understanding of
the law, free from any extraneous influences, inducements, pressures, threats
or interference, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason.”
48.
The judge should be free from influence not only from the other branches
of government but in relation to society in general (Bangalore Principles Value
1.2). A further principle which is important is that apart from the
independence of the judiciary itself the individual judge must be independent
in making his or her decision. This includes independence from judicial
colleagues. Again, the Bangalore Principles state the relevant principle
clearly in Value 1 paragraph 4:
“In performing
judicial duties, a judge shall be independent of judicial colleagues in respect
of decisions which the judge is obliged to make independently.”
49.
The text of Article 67 Judiciary makes it clear that judicial
independence is not the only value sought to be promoted by the idea of
judicial self-government. It is intended also to create proper and efficient
organisational and other conditions essential for the operation of courts and
judges and to raise the quality of judicial work. Furthermore, it appears to be
intended to ensure a sort of democratic control by the judges as a whole over
the operation of the judiciary. At the Kiev Conference, a number of speakers
indicated that part of the thinking behind the proposal was to curb the power,
of the court presidents who some felt had too much power over the ordinary
judges.
50.
The attempt to provide for
democratic control is quite far-reaching and does not appear to be required by
any of the international instruments relating to the judiciary. While there
is no obstacle to setting up a system under which all of the judges will
participate in making decisions which govern the judiciary as a whole, neither
does there appear to be a requirement in any of the international instruments
to provide for such a system. Indeed, in most legal systems many of the matters
which are crucial to the functioning of the judiciary, such as the allocation
of work between courts and decisions as to where judges sit and the hours they
work, etc, would be decided by senior judges such as the Chief Justice or
Presidents of courts and not necessarily by bodies democratically elected by
the whole body of judges. It may be noted that the European Charter on the
Statute for Judges envisages a process of consultation for judges, but not
necessarily of decision making:
“Judges are associated
through their representatives and their professional organizations in decisions
relating to the administration of the courts and as to the determination of
their means, and their allocation at a national and local level. They are
consulted in the same manner over plans to modify their statute, and over the
determination of the terms of their remuneration and of their social welfare.” (Article 1.8)
51. It is, however, reasonable to evaluate any
proposal to establish such a system according to the tests of whether it does
effectively protect judicial independence and also whether it contributes to or
permits an effective operation of the court system as a whole. Clearly it is
essential that any system, whether it be democratic or hierarchical, must
fulfil both these functions if the judiciary is to function properly.
52.
Article 68 Judiciary provides that the organisational forms of judicial
self-government are to be four in kind: meetings of judges, conferences of
judges, the Congress of Judges of Ukraine, and councils of judges. In addition
some of these bodies may also create executive bodies.
53.
Firstly, meetings of judges are to be gatherings of judges of the
relevant court at which they discuss issues of internal operation of the court
and take collective decisions on the issues discussed (Article 69.1 Judiciary).
These meetings can take place on all four levels of courts. The general rule
provides for meetings to be convened by the relevant president of the particular
court either upon his or her initiative or upon the demand of one-third of the
total number of judges of the particular court (Article 69.2 Judiciary).
According to Article 69.5 Judiciary meetings of judges are to discuss issues
concerning the internal operation of the court and its secretariat and make
decisions on these issues which are to be mandatory for execution. They are
also to hear reports of judges holding administrative posts and of the head of
the courts secretariat. They are to approve the procedure for establishing
panels of judges to consider cases and for determining the presiding judge and
the order of substitution of judges in case of their absence. They are also to
approve the procedure and schedule for judges vacations (Article 69.5 and
Article 70 Judiciary).
54.
Meetings of judges of a local court must take place at least once every
six months, meetings of the court of appeal at least once every three months
and meetings of judges of the Supreme Court and the High Specialised Courts at
least once a year. The meetings of the judges of the Supreme Court of Ukraine
and of the High Specialised Courts can in addition submit proposals for
consideration by the Congress of Judges of Ukraine, elect delegates to that Congress,
appoint to and dismiss from their posts the heads of the secretariats of courts
and their deputies, and approve regulations on the court secretariat, the
general number of its staff and the structure of that secretariat. According to
Article 70.4 Judiciary meetings of judges of the Supreme Court and the High
Specialised Courts “shall consider issues which concern the internal operation
of the court or work of individual judges and the courts staff members, and
shall take on these issues decisions binding for judges of a given court”. It
is assumed that the reference to “work of individual judges” means the workload
of individual judges rather than anything pertaining to the actual decisions
they make, as otherwise this provision would infringe a key element of the
Bangalore principles relating to the independence of the individual judge from
his or her judicial colleagues.
55.
It can therefore be seen that meetings have quite substantial powers,
and in particular the power to appoint and dismiss the heads of the higher
courts secretariats is a very substantial one.
56.
In addition meetings of judges can submit proposals on the settlement of
issues which arise concerning the relationship between the judiciary and other
bodies of the state power and also issues relating to legislation.
57.
The second level of judicial self-government is the conference.
Conferences of judges are dealt with by Article 72 Judiciary. They are defined
as gatherings of representatives of judges at which they discuss the operation
of their courts and take collective decisions on the issues discussed. An
immediate question arises as to the
respective competence of the conference and the meeting and it is not clear
from the text which is to prevail if there is a difference between the two as
to a question relating to the operating of courts. Again conferences are to
hear reports of executive bodies established by them as well as relevant
departments of the State Judicial Administration. Conferences can also hear
reports of the members which it sends to the relevant territorial
qualifications commission. Like meetings they can also submit proposals to
other state bodies. The conference elects delegates to the Congress of Judges
of Ukraine. According to Article 72.3 Judiciary it can take decisions binding
for its executive body and for the judges of the courts it deals with. It seems
from the context of the document that conferences exist only at the level of
local courts and courts of appeal. So far as the Supreme Court and the High
Specialised Courts are concerned a single body, that of the meeting, appears to
fulfil the same functions which for the lower courts are filled both by the
meetings and conferences.
58.
In order to be valid a conference must be attended by at least two
thirds of the total number of delegates. It may also be attended by other
judges (Article 74.1 Judiciary). The delegates to the conference are elected by
the meetings. The conference is to take place at least once a year. The
conference may also be attended by representatives of bodies of the state
power, local self-government authorities, educational and scientific
institutions, law enforcement bodies, and civic organisations. Only delegates
may vote (Article 74 Judiciary).
59.
According to Article 75 Judiciary, in between the conferences of judges
the functions of judicial self-government are to be performed by the relevant
council of judges. The council of judges is elected by the conference. The
conference also determines the number of members of the council. The council’s
function is to organise control over the enforcement of decisions taken by the
conference and settle issues concerning the convocation of the next conference.
It also exercises control over the activity of the State Judicial
Administration concerning the work of the relevant court. It hears a report
from the head of that department regarding the work of the court. It consider
issues of legal and social protection of the judges. It can submit to the
Council of Judges of Ukraine proposals for candidates for posts of presidents
and deputy presidents of courts within its remit. It can also submit proposals
to the bodies of same power. Decisions of councils of judges are binding for
judges holding administrative posts in relevant courts (this refers to
presidents and deputy presidents of the courts). A decision of the council of
judges may be revoked only by a conference of judges and may be suspended by
the decision of the Council of Judges of Ukraine. There is a further provision
which allows a conference to be convened upon the demand of at least two-thirds
of the delegates at the previous conference of judges and if the council of
judges does not act on foot of that demand the initiators of the conference
convocation can set up an organisational bureau and organise a conference
themselves (Article 73.1 Judiciary).
60.
According to the discussions in Kiev,
the proposed system of judicial
self-government is a result of distrust in the
executive power, especially the Minister of Justice, but also as distrust
towards the presidents of the courts. For that reason the law provides for the
establishment of several new bodies with
the intention of replacing “old bodies” within the judiciary. However, these arrangements are highly complex and confusing. In respect of some of the
functions in question there will now be three bodies, the meeting, the
conference and the council, which are conferred with identical functions all of
which are binding. As if this was not complicated enough in addition, as will
be seen, these functions are also to be conferred on the Congress of Judges of
Ukraine and the Council of Judges of Ukraine. While there are provisions for
decisions being overridden by a higher body, the Council of Judges of Ukraine,
the scope for internal judicial politics
and manoeuvring appears enormous. Furthermore, while on the face of it the whole system appears to be extremely
democratic, the existence of a number of bodies all exercising similar if not
the same functions dilutes the authority of any one of them. In these
circumstances one would have to take great care to ensure that what appears to
be an extremely democratic system does not in
practice create very weak institutions which are capable of being overridden by
much stronger institutions within the state.
61.
Judicial independence is not only independence of the judiciary as a
whole vis-à-vis the other powers of the State, but it has also an “internal”
aspect. Every judge, whatever his place in the court system, is exercising the
same authority to judge. In judicial adjudication he or she
should therefore be independent also vis-à-vis other judges and also in
relation to his/her court president or other (e.g. appellate or superior)
courts. There is in fact more and more discussion on the “internal”
independence of the judiciary. The best
protection for judicial independence, both “internal” and “external”, can be
assured by a High Judicial Council, as it is recognised by the main
international documents on the subject of judicial independence.
62.
The draft law then goes on to create two further self-government
authorities of the judiciary at the highest level which lead to even further
overlap in functions. The first of these is the Congress of Judges of Ukraine.
According to Article 77 Judiciary it meets once in every three years. It is
convened by the Council of Judges of Ukraine. An extraordinary Congress of
Judges of Ukraine may be convened upon the demand of at least one-third of the
conferences of judges or upon demand of the meeting of judges of the Supreme
Court. The Congress may be attended by a large number of people, including the
President of Ukraine, the People’s Deputies of Ukraine, the Commissioner for
Human Rights of the Verkhovna Rada, members of the High Council of Justice,
representatives of the cabinet of ministers of Ukraine, other bodies of the
state power, representatives of scientific and educational establishments and
institutions, civic organisations, and other persons who may be invited to
participate (Article 77.3 Judiciary). It is not clear whether these persons are
entitled to participate fully in the congress (although presumably they are not
entitled to vote). However, principles of the separation of powers would
suggest that these persons should have only observer status unless on specific
request for some specific purpose. As with the convening of conferences, a
mechanism is established to convene an extraordinary congress if the Council of
Judges of Ukraine fails to convene one upon request. It is difficult to see
what is the thinking behind this provision. It seems strange that the draft law might envisage that a body consisting solely
of senior judges would deliberately flout a legal provision requiring it to
call a congress. It is difficult to see how such a question would arise
unless there were some bona fide dispute over the validity of a
request for the calling of an extraordinary congress. In such a case the
difficulty would probably have to be resolved by a court of law. Of course, a
complicating factor in such an eventuality is that many of the judges will have
been engaged in this process.
63.
Delegates to the Congress of Judges of Ukraine are elected by
conferences of judges, in the case of the local courts and courts of appeal,
and by meetings of judges in the case of the Supreme Court and the High
Specialised Courts as well as the Constitutional Court. The number of delegates are to be
elected by each of the courts is to be fixed by the Council.
64.
The powers of the Congress of Judges of Ukraine are extensive. It can
appoint and dismiss the Justices of the Constitutional Court of the Ukraine in compliance with the Constitution
and the law. It appoints members of the High Council of Justice and can decide
on the termination of their offices. It can appoint members of the High
Qualifications Commission of Judges of Ukraine and of the Disciplinary
Commission of Judges of Ukraine. It can take decisions binding for all bodies
of the judicial self-government and all professional judges (Article 76
Judiciary). The power to take decisions binding on all professional judges
needs to be qualified so as to ensure that it is compatible with the Bangalore
Principles in relation to the independence of the individual judge.
65.
In addition, the Congress of Judges of Ukraine hears reports from the
Council of Judges of Ukraine, as well as from its representatives on the
various other bodies on which it is represented or referred to in the previous
paragraph. It also hears reports from the head of the State Judicial
Administration of Ukraine which is the executive body tasked with providing
support for the courts. It can vote no confidence in the head of the State
Judicial Administration (Article 76 Judiciary).
66.
The power of the State Judicial Administration (Article 90 Judiciary) is
rather wide but the scope of competences can be accepted. One could suppose
that the main reason to create such a special body was to replace an executive body by a judicial
one but this is not the case. The new body is an executive one and could
develop into a new Ministry of Justice. The result of establishing this body
seems to be the replacement of the Ministry of Justice by another executive
body. A clear distinction must be made between the role of Ministry of Justice,
the State Judicial Administration and the role of presidents of the courts.
Their role should not be completely limited. The State Judicial Administration - and judicial training - should come
under the control of an independent body of judicial self-administration.
67.
A second body established by these provisions is the Council of Judges
of Ukraine. It is the highest body of judicial self-government in between the
holding of congresses of judges of Ukraine (Article 80 Judiciary). It consists
of 33 members elected by the Congress with quotas fixed for each of the
separate courts. Proposals for candidates are submitted by conferences or meetings
of judges as well as by individual delegates of the Congress. The Council of
Judges elects its own chair, deputy chair and secretary as well as a presidium.
In between congresses it is to organise control over enforcement of Congress’s
decisions and to decide on the convocation of further congresses. Its powers
include the following:
To elaborate and organise
the execution of measures to ensure the independence of judgments and
improvement of the organizational support of courts’ activities.
To approve the procedure
for distribution of cases among judges taking into account their
specialization, their case-load rate per judge, coefficients of case complexity
etc.
To consider issues of legal
protection of judges, social protection of judges and their families and take
decisions to this effect.
To exercise control over
the organisation of courts work and activities of the State Judicial
Administration of Ukraine, and to hear reports from court presidents and
officials of the State Judicial Administration of Ukraine about their activity.
To review complaints of
judges on the presidents of courts and other officials, as well as other
information from judges concerning threats to their independence.
To dismiss a judge from an
administrative post (including the post of president or deputy president of any
particular court).
To inform relevant state
bodies about grounds for criminal, disciplinary or other liability.
To adopt a case-load rate
per judge in courts at all levels.
To appoint to and dismiss
from the posts of presidents and deputy presidents of all courts except the
Supreme Court.
To hear reports on the work
of members of the High Qualifications Commission of Judges of Ukraine and the
Disciplinary Commission of Judges of Ukraine.
To suspend decisions of
Councils of Judges that do not comply with the constitutional laws or that run
counter to the decisions of the Congress of Judges of Ukraine.
68. Again, these are very powerful functions and
given that the Council is a permanent body whereas the Congress meets only
every three years one would anticipate that the real power is likely to rest
with the Council (or indeed with the praesidium
of the Council) rather than with the Congress itself.
69.
There are substantial doubts
about the effectiveness of a procedure which establishes judicial
self-government bodies on so many levels. The scope for judicial engagement
in a form of judicial politics seems enormous. While important functions are
conferred on the bodies of judicial self-government the dispersal of these
powers through many bodies seems to lead to a potentially confusing situation
where different bodies would conterminously exercise the same powers. In this
connection the effectiveness of any of the bodies may be called into question.
Secondly, the existence of these bodies would seem to have considerable
potential to undermine the effective administration of the courts by the
presidents and deputy presidents of the different courts and by the permanent
staff in the State Judicial Administration of Ukraine. In effect these
officials have to report to and are answerable to quite a variety of persons.
This may, on the one hand, mean that they are not all that answerable at all.
On the other hand, it could lead to paralysis. Important functions such as the
allocation of cases and case-loads appear to be conferred on democratically
elected bodies. The Commission wonders how effective such a system would be. It
is inevitable that any effective system of allocations may involve making
unpopular decisions which will not be to every judge’s liking. To confer these
on democratically elected bodies may well lead to a system where the soft
option becomes the norm.
70.
The Venice Commission understands the desire to limit presidents’ powers but
wonders if this is the way to do it. The exclusion of presidents from a role on
the bodies of self-government may tend to create a confrontational atmosphere.
In this regard perhaps a provision allowing
court presidents to attend without voting could be considered. It is
interesting to note that the Ukrainian “Concept” Document envisaged court
presidents being members of the Council of Judges of Ukraine but limit their
numbers to not more than one third. An alternative
method of limiting the undue power of presidents would be to appoint them for a
limited term of office only.
71.
Overall, therefore, there are considerable questions about the efficacy
of the proposed system of judicial self-government notwithstanding its
aspirations to be highly democratic. There should not be a multitude of
representative bodies of the judiciary. There
is a case for a single body such as a High Judicial Council, perhaps with
sub-committees for specialised functions. A much simpler and perhaps more
effective system than that proposed would provide for a majority of elected judges on the High Judicial Council.
72.
However, such a solution would require an amendment to the Constitution.
As an alternative, there may still be scope to confer substantial powers on a Council of Judges below the level of the
High Judicial Council if it proves impractical to amend the Constitution.
Secondly, once a president and deputy
president of a court are elected they should be allowed to serve out their
terms unless they are guilty of misconduct. To subject them to the control
of an elected body which can remove them at any time is not a recipe for
allowing them to take hard decisions where these are necessary. A similar
comment could be made in relation to the control over the administrators
working for the State Judicial Administration.
73. Even though Article 84.6 Judiciary provides
for the regulation of the budget by the Budget Code of Ukraine, already the
present draft law on the Judiciary should set out who prepares and submits the
draft budget for the judiciary to the government or to the parliament. The
State Judicial Administration, the Supreme Court, the Constitutional
Court and Specialised
Courts are responsible only for the allocation of funds within the already
adopted state budget. The budget is, of course, ultimately subject to the
decision by parliament. However, the judiciary should not be left without
representation at a crucial stage, when the budget is discussed in the Cabinet
(government) and in the Parliament. Placing the authority for the preparation
and submission of a budget proposal in the hand of an independent body – the
Council of Judges of Ukraine or the High Judicial Council could limit the
executive ability to curtail judicial independence. “The independence of the
judiciary is also dependent on adequate budgetary allocations for the administration
of justice and the proper use of those resources. This can be best achieved by
an independent body which has responsibility for the allocation of those
resources” (Final conclusions of the First Study Commission of the
International Association of Judges, Vienna,
2003). An autonomous body with
substantial judicial representation should play a significant role in
presenting and defending the judicial budget before Parliament. Parliament
will still allocate funding, but solutions such as mandatory funding levels, or
multi-year funding, or block appropriations can reduce the scope of political
interference.
74. The Council of Europe
Recommendation No. R(94)12 provides that judges’ remuneration should be
guaranteed by law and be commensurate with the dignity of their profession and
burden of responsibilities (principles I (2)a (II) and II (1)b). Also the
European Charter contains a recognition of the role of adequate remuneration in
shielding off pressures aimed at influencing their decisions and, more
generally, their behaviour, and of the importance of guaranteed sick pay and
adequate retirement pensions (paragraph 6). The draft Law should provide for a strict prohibition of any reduction
of a judge’s salary during his/her term of office, except in case of a
monetary disciplinary sanction imposed on a judge.
75. A crucial security device against corruption
in the justice system should is the duty
of judges to disclose their financial situation. This helps to prevent
financial conflicts of interest and protects judges against the reproach that
they might have financial interests in a case. Financial disclosure means that
judges have to disclose their possessions, financial circumstances, shares,
presents, fees and other income as well as loans they raised (Council of
Europe, GRECO recommendations). Article
10.4.6 Status is therefore welcomed.
76.
The Commission welcomes the draft laws as a clear improvement as
compared to the current situation and previous drafts. The fundamental
provisions are in line with European standards. The Commission further welcomes the announced
intention by the Ukrainian Parliament to merge the two very detailed draft laws
into a single (hopefully more simple) text. Nevertheless, a number of issues
should be addressed:
77.
As concerns the judges independence and immunity:
·
The
discretionary powers of the President of the Republic should be curbed by
limiting him or her to verify whether the necessary procedure has been followed
(effect of a “notary”).
·
Clear
and stringent criminal sanctions should protect the judges against external
pressure.
·
Judges should benefit only from a
functional immunity.
·
Judges
should be free to join judges associations or unions.
·
There
is no need to provide that a criminal case against a judge can be initiated
only by the General Prosecutor or his/her deputy.
·
Parliament
should not have any role in lifting a judges’ immunity (constitutional amendment
required).
78.
As concerns the establishment of courts and unification of judicial
practice:
·
A
simpler procedure of establishment of courts providing for cooperation between
the President and/or the Ministry of Justice and involving the High Council of
Justice would seem more appropriate.
·
High
Specialised Courts and the Supreme Court should not provide abstract
explanations but contribute to the unification of judicial practice by way of
appeal in individual cases.
79.
As concerns judicial appointments:
·
There
is no need for a separate High Qualifications Commission. Its competencies
should be attributed to a High Council of Justice with a majority of judges. If
this cannot be achieved via a required constitutional amendment, the
independence of the High Qualifications Commission needs to be further
strengthened because its composition seems problematic.
·
The
procedures for the initial appointment of judges are not fully transparent.
·
Setting
a probationary period of 5 years can undermine the independence of judges (constitutional amendment required).
·
Appointments
of judges non-constitutional courts are not an appropriate subject for a vote
by Parliament. This would require a constitutional
amendment. However, if the Constitution cannot be changed, the
overriding of the insistence by the High Qualification Commission on a rejected
candidate should require a qualified majority in Parliament.
·
Objective criteria in the choice should be binding
for Parliament, which should be obliged to give reasons for granting or denying
appointments.
·
Appointments
of judges to other, in particular higher positions should be done on a competitive basis.
80.
As concerns disciplinary procedures:
·
The
failure to participate in obligatory training should not be a ground for
disciplinary liability.
·
An incorrect interpretation of the law by the judge should
be solved by way of appeal and not
by way of a disciplinary procedure.
·
A
clear definition of the term ‘immoral deed’ warranting disciplinary liability
is required.
·
An
adversarial system clearly separating accusation and decision should be
established.
·
The
right to counsel for the judge needs to be provided.
·
The
right of the judge for an adversarial procedure and to question witnesses
should be provided for.
·
It
should be possible to appeal to a court against disciplinary measures.
81.
As concerns judicial self-administration:
·
The
High Judicial Council should have a majority of judges elected by their peers
(constitutional amendment required).
·
The
system of judicial self-administration is overly complex and should be
simplified (e.g. building upon a single
body such as a High Judicial Council with a judicial majority, perhaps with sub-committees
for specialised functions).
·
The
State Judicial Administration and judicial training should come under the
control of an independent body of judicial self-administration.
82.
As concerns the budget of the judiciary and judges’ remuneration:
·
An
autonomous body with substantial judicial representation should play a
significant role in presenting and defending the judicial budget before the
parliament.
·
The draft Law should provide for a
strict prohibition of any reduction of a judge’s salary.
83.
The Venice Commission recommends to pursue the reform of the Judiciary in Ukraine on the basis of the draft laws
submitted to Parliament. The fact that the Parliamentary Committee on the
Judiciary intends to merge the two drafts into a single law is encouraging in
this respect. Clearly, in order to ensure an independent and efficient
judiciary, the recommendations set out in this opinion should be implemented in
the resulting single Law.
84.
The Commission remains at the disposal of the Ukrainian authorities for
further assistance in this matter.