EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH
LAW
(VENICE COMMISSION)
UNIDEM
Campus trieste seminar
“POLICIES ON THE
PROTECTION AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION
OF IMMIGRANTS AND
THEIR IMPLEMENTATION
AT THE
INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL AND LOCAL LEVEL”
Trieste, Italy
29 June – 2 July 2009
|
REPORT
THE PROTECTION OF IMMIGRANT WORKERS
BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND
LEGISLATION, POLICY AND PRACTICE
AT THE NATIONAL AND LOCAL LEVEL
by
Mr Gaetano ZILIO GRANDI
(Associated Professor for Labour Law,
University Ca’ Foscari, Faculty of
Economy, Venice, Italy)
SUMMARY
1. Like a preview: the international labour
standards. 3
1.1. The limits of
international labour law.. 3
1.2. Other instruments
determining the effectiveness of the core labour standards. 5
1.3. United Nations action
towards a more inclusive, sustainable global economy. 6
1.3.1. The effectiveness of the United Nations
in labour issues: a practical example. 7
1.4. Conclusions. 8
2. Work, Citizenship,
Immigration.. 9
2.1. EU Citizens. 9
2.1.1. The Dependant Workers. 10
2.1.2. The Self-employed Workers. 10
2.1.3. The CGCE decisions on Viking and Laval. 11
2.2. Non-EU Citizens. 11
3. The constitutional perspective. 11
3.1. Immigration as an
economic resource. 12
3.2. Work, religion and
culture. 13
4. The legal sources on immigration in Italy. 14
4.1.A brief history. 14
4.2. After the
Constitution. 15
4.3. The law n. 943/1986
and others. 15
4.2. The new rules step by
step. 17
4.3. The current law in
effect 17
4.3.1. Rights and duties of the foreigner
staying legally in the State. 17
4.3.2. The laws for entry into Italy. 18
4.3.3. Powers and obligations inherent to the
stay Facoltà ed obblighi inerenti al soggiorno. 18
4.3.4. Obligations of the host and employer 19
4.3.5. Entry Visa Il visto di
ingresso. 19
4.3.6. Reasons for entry into Italy. 19
1. Prior to a discussion of the
central themes of the present study, it may be advantageous to summarise what
is meant by labour standards and core standards[2] since it is
precisely their effectiveness that this approach aims to assess.
2. International Law contains
detailed legislation covering all aspects of employment and labour, legislation
which can largely be traced back to the numerous conventions adopted by the
ILO. With the existence of all these legislative recommendations has come a
necessity to define a much smaller nucleus of minimum standards (the core
labour standards) determined to be a legislative sine qua non. The
guaranteeist strategic approach aims towards a recognition of this subset of
standards as obligatory and seeks to have the minimum standards implemented as
widely as possible, but this does not preclude a more protectionist[3]
approach to their implementation on a national level. As proof of a more
strategic approach to reaching the goal of worldwide acceptance of, at the very
least, the minimum standards, one need only consider the fact that not a single
one of the conventions relating to even the core labour standards has
ever been ratified by all member states of the ILO.[4]
3. The core labour standards refer
to four principles considered to be fundamental and irrefutable. Their source
is the 1998 ILO Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and Rights of Labour,
and they specifically concern: the freedom of association and the right to
collective bargaining; the abolition of forced labour; the abolition of any
form of child labour and the raising of the minimum working age; the
elimination of discrimination.
4. This study will analyse the
value and importance of the work carried out by the ILO on the one hand; and on
the other, the limited legislative effectiveness by which the ILO is
characterised. We will therefore summarise international measures aimed at
guaranteeing the core labour standards and in particular will, within
the limits of a study of this kind, focus our attention on the most recent
measure, the UN global compact programme, which happens also to be the
most transversal. Our study will assess the effectiveness of the diffusion and
application of the minimum standards of protection with regard to this
specific UN programme.
5. International labour law was
defined in order to protect workers against problems arising from competition
between States and national economies[5]: as such, international labour law
should not be considered in the same light as the regulations defined by each
individual State. Historically, international legislation has been developed
contemporary to and in coordination with the development of labour law in many
single nations. Consequently, national regulation has been developed – in some
cases – at the same time as international standards have been recognised, thus
the two systems are frequently closely linked.
6. The encouragement of the
international standards can be explained in many different ways.
Simplifying matters slightly, one can distinguish between three principal
reasons for their encouragement: the risk that globalisation without the
protection of the labour standards might bring about increased unemployment
levels in those countries which recognise and protect the standards; the desire
to avoid the over-assertion of protectionist demands; and lastly, the sense of
solidarity with workers who provide their services in those countries where
labour guarantees do not exist[6].
7. The first question that must be
answered is whether international labour law should be considered a soft law
or a hard law. The latter is more in line with the definition of the
term “legislation”, in that a legislation brings with it certain obligations of
substance and procedure, and mechanisms to guarantee its effectiveness. For
many authors, the essence of hard law lies in its economic sanctions,
including fines and, above all, trade restrictions.
Soft law[7] covers rules of conduct that are not
enforced by binding legal obligation, but which, despite the absence of binding
obligation, still have legal and practical effects.
8. ILO conventions are the
principal source of international labour law and are binding only for those
member states that have ratified them. The ILO's main activity is to promote,
create peer pressure and provide technical assistance in the implementation of
the standards laid out in the conventions. If violations occur, the ILO
cannot impose economic or financial sanctions. One can therefore consider the
ILO to be an organisation based on voluntary adherence. Despite this, one
should not forget that this agency is unusual insofar as it possesses
supervisory power and considerable means of applying pressure, a fact that
makes the ILO a unique guarantor in the field of international standards law.
The spirit of the ILO is not, then, to impose sanctions, but to spread a
culture of recognition of ILO values and to help those values to become deeply
rooted in the individual States themselves.
9. From what has been noted, one
can deduce that the conventions of international labour law are soft law.
To support this view, further evidence will need to be provided. The recipients
and subjects of international human rights law (under which umbrella labour law
is also found) are States themselves. This is perhaps the first limitation of
international labour law, since it follows that only States can be held
responsible for violations against these laws. There is no scope for individual
responsibility[8],
which should instead be covered by laws within each nation[9].
10. So if the State is subject to
regulations, the single individual who breaks the regulations cannot be held
accountable. With specific regard to labour law this is an even greater limit,
since violations will for the most part be perpetrated by individual employers
and companies. Logic would decree that the State that adhered to the
international standards would (hierarchically) punish the offending individual,
but as is widely known, this is not always the case.
11. Furthermore, if the enforcement
of a regulation is brought about by application of sanctions, meaning that the
deterrent generated by the prospect of punishment is what intrinsically defines
a regulation, then we face a contradictory[10] situation in the
case of labour law. One the one hand, there is no doubt that these regulations
qualify as “law” insofar as they protect fundamentally important principles and
are created by organisations with legislative power; one the other hand, they
are “soft” because they have no binding force. Breaking one of these
laws does not incur a “classic” punishment or sanction, yet the laws are still
capable of producing indirect effects. The only possible sanction lies in the
principle of reciprocity as laid out in the ILO constitution's preamble, but
this lacks the strength necessary to prevent violations.
12. Despite the limits described,
the lack of a binding nature does not deprive soft law of all
effectiveness, which is arguably the most interesting point, since it creates a
theoretical and practical dissonance. The effectiveness and obedience of these
regulations is determined by the ethical value recognised in them and by the
expectation on behalf of third parties that they will be obeyed and respected[11].
Furthermore it should be pointed out that there has been a recent emergence of
the use of ILO principles in national law proceedings, testimony to which is
the fact that even lower level courts[12] make increasing reference to the
Conventions and Recommendations. Nevertheless, the level of application is
insufficient and there are still situations in which the regulations are not
enforced, an example of which is given by the continued existence of child
labour despite the fact that ILO Convention n.182 expressly forbids it[13].
13. As stressed above, there is no
doubt as to the relevance of the core labour standards; the applicative
approach used, which relies upon soft law measures, is a totally
different matter and requires particular attention. The first observation that
should be made has to do with the diversity of methods by which the standards
are promoted[14],
beyond the international regulations laid out by the ILO. One can distinguish
among them hard law measures, including the social clause[15].
14. This term describes those
regulations covering the core labour standards which States, and consequently
businesses, must obey if they are to receive certain benefits brought about by
the liberalisation of international trade and if they are to avoid incurring
real economic sanctions. This stems from the collaboration between the
ILO and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), thus from the collaboration between
two organisations operating with different aims: labour legislation in the case
of the former, commercial legislation in the case of the latter. This is the only
situation that is truly binding upon adherents to labour standards, since it
puts economic sanctions in place. To avoid the risk of giving weight solely to
the economic interests which appear to prevail in the social clause, one should
not overlook the relevance of human rights. Recognition of a more or less
positive value in the social clause divides the theoreticians into two groups:
neo-classicists and neo-institutionalists. Neo-classical theory, for the most
part supported by an economic perspective, holds that there is no interest in
placing binding labour legislation into international commercial agreements.
Neo-institutional theory, on the other hand, holds that it is essential that
the marketplace function by respecting and being bound by labour standards[16].
15. Examples of agreements which
introduce a social clause are GATT, ITO, WTO and NAFTA.
One can also bear International
Framework Agreements[17] in mind, since these agreements
between multinational corporations and trade unions are characterised by the
very fact of being half way between soft and hard law: they are
voluntarily entered into by both parties, but are legally binding by nature of
being contracts.
16. The majority of measures,
however, fall into the category of soft law, as does the regulatory
activity of the ILO, as already discussed. New measures are added to the
traditional ones, and among the new are some created not by the usual law
makers, such as States, but by entities such as the multinational
corporations who will themselves be subject to the measures. This is the
context in which private business codes of conduct come into being, codes which
should not be confused with internationally defined codes of conduct, of which
the OECD is the most influential.
17. Private ethical codes are
voluntarily adopted by companies in order to guarantee certain internal labour standards.
This development of social responsibility happens in response to the increasing
demand from the consumer for ethical behaviour on the part of businesses. There
is considerable doubt, however, as to the effectiveness of these codes of
conduct, precisely because they are voluntary, and because proof of
implementation of the codes is difficult to obtain.
18. The OCDE's Guidelines for
Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) are the foremost example of an
international code of conduct, and are recognised as “good practice for all”,
both for multinationals and for national-level businesses. International
investments have enormous relevance in the economic world, thus one can argue
that multinational enterprises play a deciding role in the adoption of
standards, hence the guidelines also take on an essential role. The guidelines
state that each country may determine the conditions by which multinationals
must abide in order to operate under the nation's jurisdiction. It must be
underlined that the guidelines slot in as a supplementary element below the
hierarchy of national law and that they are not of legal nature, rather they “provide
voluntary principles and standards for responsible business conduct addressed
to multinational enterprises themselves”[18]. They are
therefore a moral, rather than a legal, obligation.
19. To conclude, one should mention
the Global Compact[19] – a measure supported by the United
Nations – characterised, as we will see in greater detail below, by the manner
in which it brings the private perspective of business codes of conduct closer
to the international perspective of the governmental organisations of the UN.
The recent creation and rapid spread of this project, and the prospect that it
might constitute another path towards guaranteeing the effectiveness of the core
labour standards make it an interesting case for study.
20. The Global Compact was founded
in 1999 with the objective of creating a more inclusive, sustainable global
economy. Kofi Annan, former secretary of the UN, announced the programme at the
World Economic Forum as a means to give citizenship to social responsibility[20].
As we will see in greater detail, the programme is characterised by the
transversality of its subjects, by the themes it covers and by its creation of networks.
Nevertheless, enterprise is the protagonist and – by means of an increased
emphasis on social responsibility – has a duty to contribute to finding
solutions to the challenges presented by globalisation; challenges related to
the diffusion of rights not closely linked to the interests of the economic
market which have until now remained unanswered. In this regard, the existence
of a dichotomy between what is covered by international legislation and what is
received and put into action by each nation is evident. Thus, this programme
operates not only by involving national institutions, as already happens in
other projects, but also by putting pressure on businesses to in turn put
pressure on governments by refusing to open facilities in nations in which the
universally accepted minimum standards are not recognised[21].
21. The encouragement of the
programme is achieved by a network involving six United Nations
agencies: the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights (UNHCHR), the UN Environment
programme (UNEP), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the UN
Development programme (UNDP), the UN Industrial Development Organization
(UNIDO) and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNOCD). The involvement of
subjects with such diverse activities shows that, although the target is the
same as that of other projects, this programme is distinguished by its
interdisciplinary approach.
22. The principles on which this
programme is based are derived from several Declarations, all of fundamental
importance but of different ages. The first two principles are defined in the
1958 Declaration on Human Rights, considered consuetudinary international law.
Based on these principles, enterprises are expected to promote and respect
universally recognised human rights within their sphere of influence (first
principle), and also to ensure that they are not, even indirectly, complicit in
abuses of human rights (second principle). The 1998 Declaration by the ILO on
the Principles and Fundamental Rights of Labour is similarly called upon; this
declaration recognises workers' right to association and collaborative
bargaining (third principle), the abolition of forced and obligatory
labour in any form (fourth principle), the encouragement of equal opportunities
and equality of treatment in employment to eliminate all forms of
discrimination (fifth principle), respect of the minimum working age and the
abolition of all forms of child labour (sixth principle).
23. Beyond this, the programme also
has an environmental scope and calls upon principles from the United Nations
Environment Programme, taking fundamental elements of the Declaration of
Principles and the United Nations International Action Plan on Sustainable
Development (Agenda 21) as defined by the UN Conference on the Environment and
Development held in Rio de Janeiro between the 3rd and 14th
June 1992. Chapter 30 of Agenda 21 describes the idea that trade and the
entrepreneurial world should both carry out a fundamental role in safeguarding
natural resources and the environment by means of a preventative approach to
environmental challenges (seventh principle), developing initiatives to
encourage environmental responsibility (eighth principle), fostering the
development of technologies that respect the environment (ninth principle).
Lastly, in 2004, a tenth and final principle was included concerning the fight
against corruption of any kind, including extortion and bribery.
24. The activity of the programme
exploits businesses' ethics, but does not put in place any obligations. Since
adherence to the programme is absolutely voluntary, its integrity is guaranteed
by an obligation upon businesses to communicate annually what progress has been
made, even if the sanction for not following the principles and not meeting
objectives is simply to be struck from the programme's lists. It is easy to
understand how limiting the lack of deterrent sanctions against violations
might be.
25. But aside from the
(significant) limitations of the programme, an analysis of the annual
monitoring reports submitted by participating companies is an interesting
exercise. First, one can make certain considerations about the different focus
of the companies based on where their facilities are located. In European
locations, attention is shifted more towards environmental protection, while in
developing countries, more time is spent on the affirmation of human rights.
Global Compact has managed to gain 3800 members and 80 national networks
in a few short years, and this result can be considered a very successful
start.
26. The results obtained by the
Global Compact are presented annually in regional reports. For the scope of
this study it may be interesting to analyse a specific case study from the
programme, since this will allow us to gauge the effectiveness of labour law
from different viewpoints: corporate, state and international community.
27. The network we have
chosen is one from the African continent, specifically covering South Africa[22].
South Africa allows us to consider
labour law as it is understood in the industrialised world, since the nation
has ratified many Declarations and regulations for minimum standards of
protection; yet at the same time the nation is still part of the African
continent, with all its inherent difficulties in effectively being able to
guarantee these minimum standards.
Labour law in South Africa now
contains regulation[23] of the right to association and
collective bargaining, a right that didn't exist in the country during the
period of apartheid, even if it transpires that there is considerable
distance between the regulations and the real situation on the ground.
28. National legislation[24]
has managed to abolish child labour under the age of 15. Despite the
legislation, however, the 2008 report of the International Programme on the
Elimination of Child Labour shows that 12.5% of children in urban areas
either work or work and study, while the percentage leaps to 35.2% in rural
areas[25].
These figures are a long way from an abolition of child labour. According to
the statistics, 65% of child labour is rural/agricultural, 16% industrial and
the remaining 31.6% in service industries.
29. Equally, measures relating to
equal opportunities and treatment in the workplace, outlawing any kind of
discrimination, are well-described. But again, the statistics are far from
promising, and in fact the picture that emerges is one of a country that has
suffered a regression in the last three years: from 2008 World Economic
Forum[26]
data it appears that 26.6% of women are unemployed, with only 46% employed in
paid, non-agricultural work. Furthermore, the salaries earned by women are 50%
lower than those earned by their male counterparts.
30. From the examples given of
female and child labour, one can ascertain that action taken by multinationals
has limited success in resolving the problem, since the problem really starts
in small companies, requiring government involvement with the aid of
international organisations, above all in terms of increasing awareness of the
issues at stake.
31. Clearly, in a situation like
this, the role of the Global Compact in encouraging human rights and labour
standards could prove essential, which could be reflected in the whole
continent, since many industries are spread across several nations (so-called transnationals
or multinationals). This would result in the creation of long-lasting best
practices which could spread their roots to rural areas. Furthermore, the
programme could create further synergy for improving existing conditions by
virtue of the fact that it is involving governments in its processes.
32. A study carried out by Cape
Town University[27] is a good example of this: the study
analysed the problems which a multinational petrochemical company faced in
trying to adhere fully with the Global Compact programme. The study analysed
the significance of the ten principles from a critical perspective with respect
to the multinational company.
33. The first relevant question
concerned the defining of “internationally recognised human rights” for the
company in question, and the possibility of identifying behaviour that could be
complicit to abuses of those rights. If on the one hand governments have
principal responsibility in supporting human rights, on the other, the 1948
Declaration of Human Rights places “every individual and organ of society”
under obligation. It follows naturally that one might wonder what is the nature
of multinationals' responsibility, in the sense that they are bound by the laws
of the country in which their facilities are located and need only make
reference to these, thus there is only an ethical obligation towards respecting
minimum labour standards if no national legal regulations exist in the
country where the facilities are located. A further question follows as to the
need for a company to balance the cultural or legislative prerogatives of the
country in which the company is based, with those of the international
community. In the specific case covered by the study, the company adopted an
ethical code marked by a very restrictive set of limits for the opening of
facilities in countries, thus limiting the risk of being considered complicit
to any abuse of rights[28].
34. The points raised in this
analysis demonstrate the already widely-known limits in the application of the core
labour standards. The voluntary nature of the implementation, left as it is
more or less up either to Nations – which can use the ratification and
enforcing of Conventions, or international agreements that take the standards
into account and provide punitive measures – or to corporations – which can
adopt codes of conduct or make agreements with trade unions - shows its
limits in the equally voluntary nature of these measures. Even the most recent
UN programmes follow this same logic, relying on the same mechanisms of
encouragement or ethical respect. Thus the conclusion that one can draw is
contradictory: to the voluntary nature of the application of the standards
(even assuming that the application is determined by national-level
regulations) we must add the fact that there is hardly any real measure of
their actual application. In a global context it might be useful to knock down
the frontiers of legal systems and oversee the enforcement and cogency of
standards on an international and internationally-punitive level, but even this
might not be enough, since it might not make the standards become firmly rooted
in each nation's culture. This cultural rooting alone would be the only way for
the core labour standards to be recognised as essential and inviolable.
35. The world of work and the
economy cannot be separated from a global context, in particular from a
European context. In the face of economic globalization, there must be a
response that defends basic human rights. By this we mean to say that
while the free circulation of goods is an established fact, most institutions
are finding themselves in front of a situation that deals with the
"elimination of borders" with regard to the use and abuse of rights
and people without sharing a common approach or ideology in these situations.
This is the reason for this discussion which seeks to create a definition of
citizenship in the light of the constantly shifting and changing borders.
Over the years, the idea of a "European Citizen" has become
recognized with the elimination of economic and monetary borders.With a
stronger sense of a European identity, a new perspective has evolved which
retains that immigration is involving people from outside of the 27 European
Union (EU) member states.
36. In particular, these people are
allowed access to free circulation and stay, as well as professional
mobility. This was possible only after the elimination of borders for the
marketing of goods and in hindsight we see that it has served to highlight the
importance of recognizing the dignity of the individual. What limits is that
dignity subjected to since it is still not granted to
those
who are considered foreigners because they come from non-EU countries?
37.
Italy itself gave a new definition to the word 'foreigner' as a people
arriving from outside of the local culture not so long ago.
38. Therefore, the information
presented should lead to an analysis of the immigrant labor worker from two
different perspectives: the perspective of the EU citizen and the perspective
of the Non-EU citizen, appealing to a descrimen based on geographic
origin. This represents progress as previously all immigration was the
responsibility of the legislative powers of each State and no differentiation
was made at all [29]. It must be recognized, instead, that there is a
distinction that exists and that should bring with it a particular sensitivity
to the new "poor, huddled masses ", those who find themselves at a
disadvantage due to the situation in their
place of birth.
39. To talk about EU workers
the laws set forth in the Treaty on European Union (henceforth TEU) must be
referenced. In addition, that treaty was created to simbolically represent the
need to eliminate borders between Union states.
40. It is necessary to remember
article 39 TEU that specifically regards workers and that must ensure their
right to freely circulate within the EU. It gaurantees the absence of any
discrimination based on nationality among workers of member States for
employment, payment and other working conditions, except for those which may be
justified for reasons of public order, safety and health. Therefore,
the EU citizen is guaranteed the possibility to: a) respond to job offers
made, b) move freely within the Union territory in order to do the
aforementioned, c) obtain housing in one of the member States in order to
perform a job in accordance with the legislative, regulatory and administrative
provisions that govern the employment of national workers, d) to stay in a
member State after having performed a job, under conditions that will establish
the object of application regulations set forth by the Commission. At the
end of the article, in the last paragraph, it is specified that those orders
are not applicable to positions in public administration.
41. Reading this legislation it is
easy to see that in regards to labor practices the European Union does not have
borders that mark each State. It must also be added that those
regulations must then be considered together with every local reality and in
the context of the laws of each country. The analysis of Union workers
therefore involves the use of the traditional categories, and by that we mean:
dependant employees, and self-employed workers.
42. The right to freely circulate
has had important consequences in each member State in the work world from an
economic perspective as well as in the procedures which govern the stay of the
member State citizen.
43. The subject in question is
regulated by the 2004/38/CE Directive that brought all of the legislation
governing the right of entry and stay of EU citizens together under one act,
considering the ruling of the Justice Court as well. In Italy the directive was
applied with the legislative decree of 6 February, 2007, no. 30.
44. That legislative decree states
that the citizen of a member State may stay in Italy for more than three months
with only an Identity Card and without any document of stay (from article
6). In addition, article 7 states that a stay for more than three months
is possible when certain conditions have been met: the person is a dependant or
self-employed worker; has sufficient economic resources for him/herself and
his/her family; is staying in the country to study; is a family member of
someone who meets the aforementioned conditions. In this case, the person
must register with the Registry office in the municipality of residence. In
accordance with what was set forth by the Justice Court, the aforementioned
procedure is not an authorization but a declaration that attests to a pre-existing
right and in fact, is not referred to as a "permit of stay" but
a "certificate of registration with the Registry office of the
municipality of residence" that is immediately issued upon presentation
of: I.D. card or valid passport and a declaration by the citizen confirming the
conditions set forth in art. 7 [30].
45. A reading of the legislative
decree clearly shows how the reasoning behind the law (with the exclusion of
the law's extension to family members) is closely linked to working conditions
and aimed at fufilling article 39 TEU which states: "any citizen of a
member State has the right to work in another member State". So,
while the law emphasizes the value and dignity of people, it is also coming
from motivations which favor economic advantages and growth of businesses in
the States by making a greater pool of manual workers and brain power more
easily available.
46. Article 39 TEU also applies to
self-employed workers. In this context there are another two fundamental
freedoms that emerge in addition to the ever important gaurantee of free
circulation of the worker and they are: freedom of workplace and freedom to
deliver services.
The first is ordered by article 43
TEU, according to which restrictions on the freedom of EU citizens to establish
a workplace in the territory of a member State are prohibited [31]. That prohibition also extends to
restrictions related to the opening of agencies, affiliates or branches by a
citizen of a member State set up in the territory of a member State.
Furthermore, it guarantees access to non-wage earning businesses and their
business activities as well as the creation and management of businesses and,
particularly, companies as provided for in article 48 TEU, second paragraph,
and therefore respecting the conditions outlined in the legislation
of the country of establishment regarding its own citizens.
47. Freedom to deliver services is
confirmed in Article 49 TEU which prohibits any restriction within the Union
regarding citizens of member States set up in a member Country that is not the
same as the state of service performance.
48. These articles have indirect
consequences that may be seen in the situation of dependant workers as they
create a lack of distinction with respect to which laws will be applied to
immigrant workers who may find themselves precarious and subjected to either
national laws of the legal headquarters of the business or those of the country
where the services are provided. It must be added that this has
significant consequences for the ways that workers may make their demands and
so also in expressions of collective bargaining. To better understand this,
there is the example of the ruling of the European Justice Court in Viking [32] and Laval [33].
49. In the above cited cases, the
Court spoke on rights recognized for workers in the case of solidarity strikes
and reflection on economic and labor rights.
50. The Laval case stands out
because it is legitimate and recognizes solidarity strikes to be among the
basic rights of workers, while in the Viking case the Court seems to require
that the primary industrial action be recognized as legitimate and be
considered a direct threat to working conditions. These arguments have
different consequences in different areas, according to the ordinance one
refers to. As for the situation in Italy, it is very different from most others
since substantial guarantees are given to striking which provide that no restrictions
for either solidarity strikes or those strikes regarding company relocation are
set forth. In addition, there is an absence of any type of judicial control in
this area. The material regarding wages in the Laval ruling causes one to
reflect upon the minimum amount of pay established in the union contracts and
respecting article 36 of the Constitution. It is the reason that Italian judges
have well defined parameters regarding minumum wages to reference. As for the
second argument, the Justice Court, it speaks to the idea of having a balance
between social rights and economic liberties, thereby articulating the
principles that judges of each single member State must adhere to in evaluating
the legitimacy of the actions of workers and labor unions with respect to EU
law as there does not exist a European agreement as to what factors need to be
considered in balancing rights in these matters. From the aforementioned
rulings it is evident that protection is given not so much to the rights of
European Union citizens as to the economic interests of each single nation
State. The right to strike is limited by normal living standards of each
person and economic interests. This intervention places itself as an indirect
source of national decision making and creates problematic situations in all of
the countries where there is already an imbalance in favor of social rights and
not of fundamental liberties, as
occurs
in Italy, Germany and Spain.
In fact, it is an unfinished game whose final results will be only be seen in
years to come.
51. Those who come from countries
outside of the European Union are not only subject to specific laws regarding
them, but also to more restrictive treatment. The only intervention by
lawmakers to give our country a comprehensive law[34]
regarding the conditions of foreigners and immigration is a single text
issued as d.lgs. 25 July, 1998 no. 286 which brought together and coordinated
the laws regarding this matter. The legal analysis of the Single Text and
its amendments is preceeded by several paragraphs.
52. It is time to introduce the
constitutional principles immanent to "labor" in a unified way with
regards to immigrants, effectively defined as "producers" [35]; principles which have been legally
implemented.
53. On this topic, law no. 943/1986
had already foreseen two guarantees set aside for immigrant workers who are
legal residents: 1) equal treatment, or better, prohibition of discrimination
caused by the presence of a socially typical situation, 2) complete equality of
rights just as with Italian workers, a "formal" equality in front of
the law.
54. The right to work as in article
4, for example, does not apply to the aforementioned extension in
the case of foreign citizens unless there is an intervention made regarding
this point by a lawmaker. And this applies especially if the principle is not
in line with that which is set forth in article 4 of the Constitution (right to
work) and the universal principle stated in article 2 (principle of social
solidarity), or rather, to those person-centered principles referenced in the
aforementioned legislation[36]. The right to
private economic initiatives as in article 41 of the Constitution (and we may
also add property rights to this) is different, however; recognized by law no.
39/1990 wherein self-employment of the immigrant worker is regulated.
55. As for the principle of freedom
of Labor Union organization as set forth in article 39, paragraph 1 of the
Constitution, it seems that no discrimination is enforceable; and this is valid
also for the right to strike as it is also considered part of Labor Union
freedoms and principles and available for immediate use [37].
56. A question may be asked
regarding the legitimacy of statutory clauses of Labor Union members who
request Italian citizenship to register with the Labor Union, that is, in
the reverse order; the obvious response is that it is not possible based on the
legislation set forth not only in article 39 of the Constitution, but also of
what is stated in article 31 disp. prel
(disposition effective prior to constitution) the second perspective must be denied for the
aforementioned principles of full equality and equality of treatment, unless
the subject falls under, perhaps, article 18 of the Constitution.
57. As for the related topic of
rights to assistance and social security, these elements are fundamental in a
judicial system that is socially evolved. The right to safeguarding and social
welfare as laid out in article 38 of the Constitution, as is known, regards
only citizens. The principle set forth in article 38, paragraph 2 - but not
only, can be considered to extend to non-citizens thanks to the principle of a
common EU territory. The expression "workers" is to be understood
with reference to article 35 of the Constitution which sets forth a law that
does not make distinctions based on citizenship; the Constitutional Court held
that the right to social welfare is due to workers as such. The case of medical
assistance is yet another, distinct question. As provided for in article 32 of
the Constitution, confirmed by law no. 33/1980, the foreign worker has a
legal right to medical care, considering related costs which may be covered by the Consulate. But care is
currently divided for legal and illegal foreigners: for the former, medical
care is guaranteed just as with Italian citizens, through voluntary
registration and payment of taxes and occurs automatically with the
implementation of a dependant work contract. Moreover, care is also
extended to foreigners who have presented a request for a permit of stay or who
are registered on the placement list. The important thing is, and will
continue to be, that the level of care not become "unchangeable" in
only an upward direction and so in contrast with the current , fundamental
principle of equality as stated in article 3 of the Constitution.
58. It appears that the
not-so-obvious opinion that immigration is primarily a positive resource for
businesses, demographics, the pension system and for the idea of
multiculturalism which, when we think about it, is a much needed element, is
growing in popularity. Even so, seen from the other side, the arrivals of
illegal immigrants usually with increased numbers in the summer period, have
seemed so frequent and numerous that they have created a sort of dread that in
the Mediterranean basin alone the numbers could reach into the millions of
immigrants. This may be seen as an "invasion" of sorts. In the
face of this real or imagined situation, we must ask ourselves if the at times
hoped for closure of the "European fortress" with uncrossable borders
encompassing developed countries is really a rational and effective response
even before we stop to consider if it is ethically just. Upon examination it is
clear that this approach is costly and ineffective [38].
59. Along with that first, unsound
response, came the idea that the long-term solution was to create rapid
economic growth in the countries where the immigrants were coming from in order
to support development with international aid policies and by eliminating
unjustified protectionisms.
60. It stands to reason that
according to the ideas received, the law in general and labor law in particular
intervene in different ways. It may be that the jurist risks becoming a
sociologist or even philosopher, but he or she must consider how immigration
and labor law are part of a circular process that rotates around the central idea
of citizenship [39].
Immigration is like this, a
preliminary test of social inclusion, a litmus test for the policies of labor
law [40].
61. In light of all this, some
criticisms can be made in particular regarding one of the amendments to the
Single Text of 1998, which was put in place with the Bossi-Fini law. This
amendment is not sensitive to the dynamics of supply and demand, even with the
great demand by Italian businesses to provide more labor and the willingness on
the part of foreign workers to supply that demand. The system put in place by
that reform appears to be extremely rigid as it imposes the c.d. "contract
of stay" that must be drawn up for a person who is abroad and does not
allow any alternative form of entry into the labor market. That rigidity may
have served to increase illegal entry and decrease actions against it[41]. The most recent and latest
modifications
will be analyzed in the following paragraphs.
62. Article 43 of the Single Text
states that any behaviour that discriminates on the basis of race, color,
ancestry, nationality or ethnicity, religious conditions and practices or that
is aimed at or has the effect of destroying or compromising recognition,
enjoyment or activity under conditions of equality of human rights and with
regard to essential political, economic, social or cultural freedoms and any
other area of public life is prohibited. By discrimination we mean any behaviour
that poses less advantageous conditions or refuses to give access to the
occupation of the foreigner who il legally staying in the country, or impedes
legitimate economic activities undertaken.
63. The legislation regarding equal
treatment not only relates to dependant work, but also to the opportunity to be
self-employed. We must not forget the important role that immigration may have
in opening new business activities. This topic goes together with the
idea of national economic development. Actually, while it is true that we
could focus on the possible displacement of Italian businesses by ethnic
businesses, we must also recognize the possibility that an immigrant
entrepreneur need not only fulfill the role of specialization in sectors of
lesser value in addition to and yet distinct from businesses of low profile,
but may become an entrepreneur and be able to contribute with his/her skills to
the development of business initiatives in diverse and innovative fields
thereby offering important economic and intellectual contributions in new
sectors not yet discovered in our country[42].
64. With the entrepreneurial
phenomenon, the difficulty in recognizing cultures tied to religions that are
different from our own is understandable, as is the difficulty to understand
those that traditionally turn to methods of financing unknown to us.
Their extension to and interaction with the Western world may seem difficult at
first, but it is not impossible. In fact, England serves as a model example of
integration in this sense as well and shows the possibility to apply types of
financing in the Western world which are not native to its system. In the
view of this author, an attitude of this nature is to be interpreted as a sense
of respect of the traditions of others and a way to enrich through the
recognition of new financing solutions [43].
65. Think about holidays, as
well. In every country the protection of religious freedom is upheld by
the relationship between the separation of church and state and the equal
treatment of all citizens. In our laws, holidays and days off are related
to: Catholic holidays, dates of national historic importance and periods to
recuperate one's energy. Even so, the traditional correspondence of state
recognized religious holidays connected to Catholicism has not shut out the
recognition of some holidays of other minority faiths. They are not
recognized by the state but recognition is made available to the followers of
that religion by giving them the right to observe their holidays; this is
provided for by the application of specific international agreements Taking the
holiday in this case is subject to certain conditions: 1) the absence be
requested by the interested member; 2) the holiday be arranged within the
limits of flexibility of the working organization and all the essential
services considered; 3) the hours missed must be made up. In this way a
co-existence of religious needs and production needs may be found. In
conclusion, it is evident that the possibility for workers to take holidays
according to those set forth in their religious beliefs exists, but it is
dependent upon the will of the parties involved. Some labor union
contracts have agreed to giving preferential treatment to those requests
related to religious needs[44].
66. In the ancient world every
right was denied to foreigners, as they were considered enemies.
The denial of every right to
foreigners was a cornerstone in civil law for the Romans, so much so that it
remained until the last years of the empire. Foreigners not only had no
rights, but anything that they possessed was considered res nullius and
could become the property of any other person at any time. In addition, any
deal concluded between a foreigner and a Roman citizen was not recognized by
the law.
67. Following this period, when the
Italian Republic was formed, the conditions for foreigners did not improve
much. They continued to be restricted by many limitations. However, we
must remember that in certain statutes the principle of reciprocity ruled.
It was only with the French
revolution that, for the first time, that entitlement to intrinsic human
rights was recognized and that concept was introduced as the right to
reciprocity in the Napoleanic Code.
68. In the period following the
Unification of Italy, it was necessary to simplify the right to be and stay in
Italy for citizens who were not Italian but who came from territories that
could have become Italian, and diminish the presence of foreigners to help
fortify a sense of belonging in the nascent State. With the first version of
the Civil Code of 1865 there is notable progress towards legal principles that
recognize the person subject to the laws as a person and not a citizen [45].
69. The Italian nation was the
first to insert in its Civil Code an article (article 3), which ratified the
idea that "the foreigner shall be allowed to enjoy the same civil rights
given to citizens".
The right to stay then was granted
to all foreigners who requested it, with the possibility to deny it to those
who were considered a danger to the State. It was in these years that the first
steps towards a greater safeguarding of the rights of foreigners were taken on
international levels, as well.
70. In fact, the Institute of International
Rights, affirmed the legal ability of foreigners and their allowance to enjoy
civil rights regardless of any international stipulation or condition of
reciprocity in 1874. Following this, in 1880 it reaffirmed the equality
of foreigners with citizens.
71. Legislation after the enactment
of the Constitution was aimed at the idea of "freedom of
immigration".
72. A key point for the legislation
on this matter was sanctioned by article 10 of the Constitution which
obliges the Italian judicial order to conform to the international laws
generally recognized and especially, in paragraph 2, affirms that the legal
condition of foreigners is regulated by law conforming to those laws set forth
in international treaties and therefore casting in doubt the standard procedure
of judging the matter according to simple regulations[46].
73. With the d.lgs (Italian law)
from the 15 April, 1948, no. 381, regional and provincial offices were given
the task of examining the applications for emigration for employment purposes,
and of sending emigrant workers to gathering and assistance centers.
74. The organization of government
commissions was entrusted to the Ministry of Foreign affairs, and the scope of
tasks of the general management of emigration was widened. The consultant
Committee of Italians abroad was formed to better understand their
problems and make services available for their well-being and assistance. In
the 1960s the interministerial Committee on Emigration was formed with the task
of coordinating interventions in the field of emigration (d.p.r. no. 18/1967,
amended by law no. 1221/1971), and passport issuance became free for
emigration, with notable liberalization(laws no. 253/1959 and 1185/1967).
75. With the law of 30 December,
1986, foreign immigration was primarily regulated with the implementation
of the international convention of the International Labor Organization of 24
June, 1975, no. 143, amended by the law of 10 April, 1981 no. 158.
76. Access to employment is
regulated on a case by case basis, with regards to employment availability,
which is dependant upon prior confirmation that Italian and EU workers with
professional qualifications required for the position are not to be
found.
77. Following this, there is law 39
of 1990, the Martelli law, which represents a turning point. The
government realizes that this immigration is not just transitory and therefore
requires more complete and comprehensive legislation.
78. Among the more important
changes is the right and recognition of a refugee status [47], and entry into Italy is regulated and
defined for non-EU citizens for any reason, not just limited to employment
stays but also tourism, study, dependent or self-employed work, healthcare,
family, and religious purposes. The idea of flow and planning for entry into
Italy for reasons of employment of non-EU citizens (art. 2, paragraph 3), a
filter system is set up to regulate entry - the first directly at the border
and the second through the police headquarters of the place of stay where it is
decided whether or not to issue a permit of stay depending on the reason for
entry into Italy and then determining the length of stay.
79. The 1995 Dini law sought to
make the numerous illegal positions legal by substituting the idea of
"immigration amnesty" with the idea of "legalization", the
introduction of quotas for the entry of seasonal workers and different
expulsion policies.
The Turco-Napolitano law 40 of 1998
is the first comprehensive law on the topic of immigration and is right in line
with the Single Text that is still in effect. It lays out three objectives:
- Fight against
illegal immigration and criminal exploitation of immigrant populations
- Realization of a
carefully planned policy of limited legal, planned and regulated entries
- Begin methods of
integration for new legal immigrants and foreigners already legally
staying in Italy.
80. A restriction regarding entry
into Italy and, for legal foreigners, many more possibilities for integration
and recognition of basic rights. The law sets forth:
- ways of entry and
forms of border control;
- regulation of access
to employment;
- the regulation of
self-employment and seasonal work;
§
the
most effective ways to turn away subjects at the border and to expel subjects
from the country;
- criminal and
proceedings laws aimed at combating the criminal organizations that manage
illegal immigration;
- guarantees for the
legal immigrant to be able to pass from a temporary condition to a more
stable one through the use of new tools such as the residence card; to
have the right to take care of one's family or create a new one, defended;
to obtain recognition of citizenship rights such as the right to health,
education, social services, representation and the right to vote.
81. The following law no. 189 of
2002, called the Bossi-Fini law, represented a complete revision of Italian
legislation regarding foreigners and the modification of the Single Text in
several areas:
82. - the introduction of a
contract of stay as something that justifies entry and stay in the country by a
foreigner who is there to perform employment activities at the time of
stay. In the contract, provisions are made for accomodations, and the
payment of expenses necessary for the definitive return to the foreigner's
country of birth (art. 6).
- worsening of
systems to combat exploitation of illegal immigration.
- The introduction of
a new Organization, the Singular desk, purposefully set up through the
prefecture of the Ufficio Territoriale del Governo (local government
offices) , in an attempt to reduce bureaucratic actions necessary for
entry in employment and recognition of family members (art. 18).
- The length of the
permit of stay for work commensurate with the length of the related
contract of stay for the job.
- The removal of the
sponsor institution and the introduction of a legal disposition that
favors foreigners who have completed and educational course in their
country of origin, based on professional skills programs approved by
Italian public administrations (art. 19).
- Revision of the laws
and standard procedures for family reunification, in particular,
eliminating the possibilty for the foreigner to use the family
reunification argument for relatives up to the third degree of kinship
(art. 23 and 24).
- The creation of a
national Committee to coordinate and monitor related legislation (art. 2)
- Provides for a
sanction in the case of late communication to the public safety
authorities about the hospitality given to a foreigner or of his/her
hiring (art. 8)
- Definition of set
times to apply for the renewal of the permit of stay and the possibility
that the employer may hire a foreigner with an expired permit if the
renewal application was made within the time set forth by the law.
- The increase from a
five to a six year period of stay necessary to be able to apply for a
residence card (art. 9).
- The obligation for
foreigners to be subject to collection of data including photo,
fingerprinting and other identificatory data
- The increase of time
of denial for re-entry after expulsion from 5 to 10 years (art. 14).
- The introduction of
a simplified procedure to recognize the right to asylum in order to avoid
that this right is improperly used to deceive the laws regarding
immigration (art. 32).
- A new law on
expulsion that provides for a maximum 60 day stay in the Cpta
(holding facility) (up from 30 days in the previous provision).
- Make residence legal
for dependent workers as well as those who work as domestic collaborators
and family assistants.
83. The brief stay in office of the
Left-Center government from 2006-2008 acknowledged important European
directives in the area of family reunification on the EU permit of stay for
those who stay for extended periods, and for EU citizens and their family
members to circulate and stay freely in the territory of the Union member
States. The directive 2003/09/Ce of the Counsel of 25 November, 2003 related to
the status of non-EU citizens who are staying for extended periods, introduces
a new title of European stay. Under this law, it is sufficient to have
stayed legally in Italy for 5 years to be able to request the permit of stay,
and it is possible to work in all of the States that have implemented the
directive.
84. The d.lgs. amends the Single
Text adding a new article that regulates family reunification of refugees that
transforms a much debated practice into a law. Moreover, with the acknowledged
modification, the possibility is also given to relatives of a minor to obtain a
permit of stay for "assistance to a minor", which would also allow
work activities for the length of the authorization.
85. After this, the d.lgs. no. 30
of 2007, then amended in the d.lgs no. 32 of 2008, re-emphasizes the right of
entry and stay for Union citizens and their family members, with notable
simplifications: the Union citizen is no longer obligated to request a formal
title of stay at the police headquarters as a declaration with the Registry
office is sufficient, and the degree of kinship for those who may come to
live with the EU citizen in Italy is more permissive.
86. Article 2 of the D.lgs
(actually made up of articles 2, 1. no 40/1998 and 1,1. no. 943/1986) gives to
the foreigner the basic human rights provided for in national, EU and
international sources only if he/she presents at a border or is already within
the territory of our country.
The foreigner who is "legally
staying in the State territory" is given the same rights as Italian
citizens in civil matters, except for specific orders given in the S.T. and any
condition of reciprocity (par. 2) and participation in the local public life
(par. 4), as well as equal treatment with a specfic reference to workers and their
families, and full equality of rights with respect to
Italian
workers (par. 3).
87. Equal treatment is guaranteed
as well for that which regards jurisdictional protection, relations with the
public administration and access to public services (par. 5); while any
measures dealing with various aspects such as entry, stay and expulsion will
have to be translated into a
language
that is understood by the addressee(par. 6)
88. Paragraph 7 outlines the relationship,
in simple terms, between foreign citizens and their diplomatic representatives
with certain obligations to inform which are the responsibility of different
national authorities in various cases related to the foreign citizen, unless
the foreigner has requested asylum, refugee status or entry for measures of
temporary protection for humanitarian purposes[48].
With the exception of possible dispositions in favor contained in international
accords created to prevent or limit illegal immigration(par. 8), the law set
forth in art. 2 states that the foreigner who is present in the territory of
the State must observe the laws that are in effect(par. 9).
89. Every standard procedure and
disposition comes under the direction and supervision of the President,
seeing the extreme relevance of the topic of immigration in these times.
90. First it must be stated that,
as of 26 October, 1997 Italy is also part of Schengen territory, that is to say
that it is part of that group of States who signed the Schengen Agreement which
allows for the complete freedom of circulation [49].
This gradual process which is one of the pillars of the European Union, has
allowed the Union to reinforce the shared external border while at the same
time allowing internal border controls to be eliminated [50], utilizing not only national sources but European ones as
well [51].
91. Foreigners who are not from
Schengen countries must have a passport or equal travel document issued by the
authorities of their country of origin.
92. These travel documents must
adequately attest to the identity of the holder, nationality and
citizenship up to the date of expiration of the document.
93. Whoever crosses the border is
subject to a minimum verification that allows the controller to establish
identity with the display of a travel document.
94. Citizens of non-EU countries
are instead, subject to more in-depth verifications. The in-depth
verification upon entry includes verification of the conditions of entry, also
in those cases where the documentation authorize a stay and professional work
activities. In that case, the border guard will stamp the travel document
of the non-EU citizen upon entry and exit in accordance with art. 10 of the EC
Regulation 562/2006. The travel documents of non-EU citizens are systematically
stamped at the moment of entrance and exit.
95. Art. 2 S.T. advances the
argument that it is necessary to put a stop to the disordered entry of foreign
citizens into our country through the use of a documented three year program,
indicatng the actions and interventions planned in Italy related to immigration
policies. This plan could also be in cooperation with other member States of
the European Union or other institutions or international organizations and
moreover, measures of an economic or social nature which do not fall under the
power of the law(par. 2).
The same planned intervention will
determine the general criteria to define entry quotas, and
also
define opportune public interventions (par. 3).
96. With the decree of the
President of the Council of Ministries (DPCM) the maximum entry quotas for
foreigners to be admitted into the country for dependent work, seasonal and
self-employed work are defined. The issuance of entry visas (par. 4) will have
to be adjusted to fall
within
these quotas.
97. If the foreigner has already
obtained the permit of stay for self-employed work, even if he/she has not
performed this job, he/she may register on a placement list and be hired as a
dependent worker without makeing any changes to the permit in possession [52].
It is necessary to show documentation related to one's stay to public
administration offices for the issuance of licenses, authorizations,
registrations and other things of interest to the foreigner; and in the
case that documentation is not presented the foreigner is punished with arrest
for up to six months and with fines, and could be subject to the recording of
personal information for identification purposes(par. 4). Public safety
authorities may also request within the verifications provided for in the S.T.,
information and proof of the availability of a sufficient income (par. 5)
Registrations and anagraphic changes
are performed just as with Italian citizens and are also communicated to the
Police headquarters with jurisdiction for the area; residence is considered
regular when the subject has stayed for more than three months in a detention
center (p.7). Changes in one's regular residence must be communicated by
the foreign citizen directly to the police headquarters within fifteen days
(par. 8).
98. The typical situation is one in
which the foreign worker, especially at the very beginning, finds
accommodations through his/her employer or another person, family or relative
who is referred to as the "host". This person must give written
communication that they are hosting a foreigner to the local public safety
authorities within forty-eight hours (par.1), indicating the general
information of the host, the foreigner or stateless person, his/her passport or
identification card information, the exact location of the house or of the
person or employer who is actually hosting the subject.
99. The entry visa is an
authorization given to the foreigner to enter into the national territory of
Italy, or in those of other parties, for reasons of travel or stay. It is
subject to expiration and its issuance is not automatic but it subject to the
discretion of the Consulate. It may be revoked by measures set forth by the
authority that issued it. It is not a right of the foreign citizen to
obtain a visa, but is a legitimate interest on the part of who makes the
request and the denial of a visa does not require an explanation by the
authority that makes that decision.
100. Visa issurance is the under
the authority of the Ministy of Foreign Affairs, or in actuality, of the
diplomatic and Italian consular representatives in the country of origin or
stable residence of the foreigner, and with authority granted in special cases
to the Italian border police offices for a time not longer than ten or five
days, respectively, only where it is absolutely necessary.
101. The visa is issued, if all of
the requirements and conditions are present, for the length of time necessary
related to the reason for the request and the documentation provided by the
applicant (art. 5 par.2. reg. att.). There is a big difference between visas
which are separated into National visas (VN) and Schengen visas (VSU).
The latter may be issued by any State which adheres to the convention and is
valid in all of the territory of the Convention.
102. The reasons for entry into
Italy correspond to the various visas that may be issued by Consulates.
There are 21 different type of entry visas, therefore 21 different reasons for
entering Italy. It's one thing to speak of reasons for entering Italy,
but another to speak of reasons for staying there regularly. The visas are
grouped into 4 categories:
- entry visas within
the quota;
- entry visas outside
of the quota
- visas for family
reasons;
- special visas.
Entry visas within the quota
refer to visas issued for dependent, self-employed or seasonal work [53].
[1]
Thank’s to Silvia Foffano (Univ. of Modena and Reggio Emilia) for this chapter.
[2]
For the distinction between these two terms, see R. Blanpain- m. Colucci,
The globalization of labour standards : the soft law track, in Bulletin
of comparative labour relations, Kluwer, 2004;
[3]
The 1998 Declaration, which codifies the core labour standards, has only
exhortative not binding value. But from an increment in economic growth,
matched with an effective guarantee of fundamental rights should follow an
impulse towards improved social conditions, as well as the need to strengthen
the application of regulatory measures aimed at protecting any progress already
made S. Sanna, Diritti dei lavoratori e disciplina del commercio nel diritto
Internazionale, Giuffrè, 2004, 51.
[4]
According to the ILO database (ILOLEX) of 182 member countries, the conventions
on collective bargaining (N 87 & 98) were ratified by 149 and 159 countries
respectively. Convention 29 on eliminating forced labour was ratified by 173
countries, while convention 105 was ratified by 171; conventions 100and 111 on
equal opportunities were ratified by 166 and 168 countries; conventions 138 and
152 on eliminating child labour were ratified by 151 and 169 countries. Data
correct at 7th Feb 2009.
[5]
At the root, faced with the problem of guaranteeing conditions in free
competition between economic entities withing national limits is born
industrial labour law as the competent judge of trade law. A. Perulli, Diritto
Diritto del lavoro e globalizzazione : Clausole sociali, codici di condotta e
commercio internazionale, Cedam, 1999
[6]
The first argument focuses on the behavior of multinational companies to invest
in countries with low labour standards. Further there is a risk that it will
lead to a downward pressure on domestic labour standards.
[7]
The huge variety of instruments that may fall within the scope of the above
definition makes it impossible to make general comments on the nature,
function, possible legal effect and other characteristics of soft law, such as
addressees, possible legal basis, etc. This does not mean that a classification
of soft-law instruments would also be impossible. Even if soft-law instruments
are not defined or regulated in any way, it appears possible to establish their
core features by looking at the instrument itself, its actual contents and the
intention of its drafters. With a view to assessing their possible use as an
alternative or complement to legislation, a classification is best made on the
basis of the function and objective the various soft-law instruments can be
said to have. L. Senden, Soft law, self regulation and co-regulation in
European law: why do they meet?, in Ecjl, n. 9, 200
[8]
The notion of “international labour law” seems to be contradictory: the
person is the unique subject that can drive a labour contract, whereas states
haven’t the capacity to conclude a contract of work and to be obbligated to
give their labour. M. Decleva, voce Diritto internazionale del lavoro,
in Nuovissimo digesto italiano, vol. V, Utet, 1960, pag. 881.
[9]
S. Sanna, op. cit., 128 ss.
[10]
The author defines soft law as an oxymoron. I. Duplessis, Soft International
labour law: the preferred method of regulation in a decentralized society,
in Governance, International Law & Corporate Social Responsability,
Internationl labour Organization, 2008, 11
[11]
Respect of this rule is determined by instrumental rationality. A. Perulli, Alcune
riflessioni sulla tutela dei diritti fondamentali dei lavoratori nel diritto
internazionale, in Globalizzazione, responsabilità sociale delle imprese
e modelli partecipativi (S. Scarponi a cura di), Trento, 2007, 82.
[12]
France’s Court of Cassation has historically been reluctant to draw on
universal sources of labour law. Such explicit references to international
labour standards as have appeared in its rulings have been marginal at best. A
partial explanation may be that the monistic system operating under French law
implies direct incorporation of international law into national law. Yet, the
judgment of 26 March 2006 of the Court of Cassation’s labour division has
interesting potential implications for future judicial decisions in regard to
the use of international labour law instruments. Indeed, this judgment
recognizes the direct application of the ILO’s Convention No. 158 in the
following terms: “Article 1, subparagraph 2(b) of Article 2 and Article 11 of
International Labour Convention No. 158 concerning Termination of Employment at
the Initiative of the Employer, adopted at Geneva on 22 June 1982 and having
entered into force in France on 16 March 1990, are directly applicable before
national jurisdictions”; and Supreme Court of Canada, Dunmore v. Ontario
(Attorney General), [2001] 3 S.C.R. 1016, 2001 SCC 94, 21 December 2001;
Supreme Court of Canada, Reference Re Public Service Employee Relations Act
(Alta.), [1987] 1 S.C.R. 313 (Justice Dickson), 9 April 1987; These casea
are analysed in E. Gravel – Q. Delphec, International labour standards:
Recent developments in complementarity between the international and national
supervisory systems, in International Labour Review, Vol. 147
(2008), No. 4.
[13]
M. V. Ballestrero, Giustizia Globale e diritti oltre la dimensione nazionale,
speech on Basso foundation, Rome, 21 june 2007.
[14]
J. Malmberg, Promoting fair labour standards in a Globalized economy: the
need for a multi track approach, in Bulletin of comparative labour
relations, n. 60, Kluwer, 2006, 156.
[15]
A. Perulli, op. cit., Cedam, 1999 and A. Mazzoni, Globalizzazione,
commercio internazionale e giustiziabilità di pretese private fondate su norme
internazionali, in Diritto del commercio internazionale, Aprile-
Giugno 2006, pag. 255
[16]
Organization for economic co-operation and development, Trade, Employment
and Labour Standards, Paris, 1996, 78 ss.
[17]
IFAs nonetheless, constitute a strong basis for industrial relations on
international level and have a strong moral and commercial effect. IFAs furthe
have an inerpretative function in national labour law. So while a hard binding
effect is rather disputable, IFAs as soft law instrument definitely have a
strong morally binding value that even goes beyond the status of soft law. IFAs
should therefore be positioned somewhere in a grey area between the soft track
and had track law. In G. van Wezenbeek, International framework agreements
and fundamental social rights, master thesis international and european labour
law, Tilburg University, 2008, 91.
[18]
OECD, Guidlines for international enterprises, foreword.
[19]
R. Blanpain, International labour law and globalization, Textbook, 2009,
155.
[20]
Enterprise social responsibility can be understand from a sociological point of
view, the approach of S. Gherardi, P. Rossi, La responsabilità sociale
d’impresa: uno sguardo sociologico, in op. cit, 47 ss. The authors identify
situations in which companies go beyond economic performance and engage in
actions for the social good. A recent study shows that what is missing is a
theoretical framework that would allow these ethical rules to be put into
practice in the day to day life of the enterprise.
[21]
Research conducted in Africa studied a multinational which implemented an
ethical code which meant limiting where it would open facilities, since to open
in some states (Iran, in the example) would mean the company itself were
complicit to abuse carried out in these States: on this topic J. Hanks, Sasonal
and Ungc principles on human rights, case study, south Africa in learning forum
Global Compact, www.globalcompact.org, 3 february 2009.
[22]
see: Global Compact South Africa, Communication on Progress, January to
September 2007.
[23]
Labour relations act (66 of 1995) and ammendments 1996 & 1998; employment
opportunity act (55 of 1998); Skill development act (97 of 1998); Unemployment insurance
act (63 of 2001).
[24]
Basic Conditions of Employment Act (No. 75 of 1997 ) ammended by
Basic Conditions of Employment Ammendment Act, 2002, Contract Cleaning Wage
increase, and Domestic workers wage increase 1 Dec 2007, chapter 6: Prohibition
of employment of children and labour forced, art. 43: prohibition of employment
of children.
[25]
International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, South Africa child
labour data brief, ILO, 1/2008 which refers to the results of the Survey of
Activities of Young People, 1999.
[26]
World Economic Forum, The Global Gender Gap Report 2008: Country Highlights and
Profiles, 2008, in www.weforum.org,
(seen on 4 February 2009).
[27]
J. Hanks, Sasonal and Ungc principles on human rights, case study, south
Africa in learning forum Global Compact, www.globalcompact.org,
visitato (seen on 3 February 2009).
[28]
Among the questions tackled by the study is a more in-depth analysis of the
meaning of this being “complicit in abuse” identifying different types of
complicity, which one can sum up quickly by saying that complicity occurs when
a rights abuse happens within the sphere of influence of the enterprise. By
this one means individuals or organisations who have a contractual, geographic,
political or economic relationship with the company in question. The company's
grasp on this will be closely linked to the type of relationship between the
company and the other entity. J. Hanks, Sasonal and Ungc principles on
human rights, case study, south Africa in learning forum Global Compact, www.globalcompact.org,
(seen on 3 February 2009).
[29]
Immigration was originally under national jurisdiction and a matter of public
safety. In the 1970s a Community body was created to coordinate these
issues. The states that were part of the Schengen territory adopted a
sort of intergovernmental approach that created a gradual end to border control
among member States and the transferral of those borders to those external ones
along non-member States. These accords were then incorporated in the Treaty of
Amsterdam in 1999 (ratified in Italy in 1998).
[30]
For a more in-depth look at professional mobility and circulation with specific
reference to directive 2004/38/CE, please see Colucci M., La libera
circolazione delle persone, in L’Unione Europea, Colucci M. – Sica S. (care
of), Zanichelli, 2005, 166 ss
[31]
Cortese B., in this volume.
[32]
Case C-438/05, International Transport Workers’ Federation, Finish seamen’s
Union v. Viking Line ABP, Vibing Line Eesti.
[33]
Case C-341/05, Laval un Partneri Ltd v. Svenska Byggnadsarbetareforbundet,
Svenska Byggnadsarbetareforbundets avd 1, Byggettan e Svenska
Elektrikerforbundet.
[34] Nascimbene B., Orientamenti e norme nazionali in materia di
immigrazione. L’incidenza del diritto internazionale e comunitario. Le
iniziative di riforma e le modifiche in corso, in Rivista italiana di
diritto pubblico comunitario, n. 3/4/2008, 724.
[35] Viscomi A., Immigrati extracomunitari e lavoro subordinato,Edizioni
scientifiche italiane, 1991.
[36]
Contra, peraltro, Cass. S.U. n. 2265/1988; in the same vein Cass. 5156/1980,
which prohibited the introduction into our ordinance from art. 25 disp. prel.
foreign laws "that have a regulation of labor relations less favourable
than Italian law ".
[37]
From contrary warning, Mengoni L., Il contratto di lavoro nell’ordinamento
positivo italiano, in A.A. V.V., Il contratto di lavoro nel diritto del
lavoro dei Paesi membri della C.E.C.A, Milano, 1965.
[38]
Boeri T. - Spilimbergo A., Immigrazione illegale, leggi italiane e lezioni
degli Stati Uniti, in La Voce, Visible on-line at
www.lavoce.info.
[39]
They intend citizenship in its most widely accepted sense, in the same way that
many will be entitled to rights that "can't not be granted to every
citizen in every democracy", see Lo Faro A., Funzioni e finzioni
della contrattazione collettiva comunitaria. La contrattazione collettiva come
risorsa dell’ordinamento giuridico comunitario, Giuffrè, 1999, Ferratoli
L., Dai diritti del cittadino ai diritti della persona in Zolo D. (care
of), La cittadinanza. Appartenenza, identità, diritti, Laterza, 1994,
263-292, Rigo E., in this volume.
[40]
from this warning Ghezzi G., Dinamiche sociali, riforma delle istituzioni e
diritto sindacale, Giappicchelli, 1996, Nappi S., La disciplina e le
politiche in materia di immigrazione, in Il diritto del mercato del
lavoro, n. 1-2/2007, 77.
[41]
Nascimbene B., op. cit., 723
[42]
For more information on immigration and entrepreneurship please see E. Di
Maria – V. De Marchi, Immigrazione e imprenditoria in Veneto, in Veneto
Lavoro - osservatorio e ricerca, June 2008, 7. The analysis in the
introduction reports important studies from the United States regarding ethnic
entrepreneurs and following that, the Veneto region is the focus of the
analysis.
[43]
Many muslims manage small and very small businesses and commercial activities
which generate a constant need for bank services, not only traditional but also
muslim ones. The classic Islamic bank contracts such as the muraba, istina and
ijara meets these needs perfectly. Italian banks have started to see immigrants
as a potential target market maintaining that the promotion and creation of new
products created specifically for clientele with characteristics that are
different from their usual groups could produce interesting results. It would
be difficult to open an Islamic bank, but it is easier to imagine creating
specific Muslim desks within conventional institutions as they have done in the
United Kingdom and Luxembourg. The latter experienced a rather difficult situtation.
V. P. Greco, Le banche islamiche: tra religione e finanza. La
richiesta dei fedeli immigrati ed il ruolo internazionale delle banche
islamiche, in Diritto, immigrazione e cittadinanza, 2/2008, 38.
[44]
The matter would benefit from further study, and for this purpose we indicate
the article Festività e riposi settimanali nelle società multiculturali by
Coglievina S. in the Rivista italiana di diritto del lavoro, 3/2008,
381.
[45]
Thanks to the intervention of two important scholars, Mancini and Pisanelli,
this Code was able to include as a condition of the enjoyment of civil rights
for foreigners, residency alone, adopting the principle of reciprocity
esclusively in the case of non-resident foreigners.
[46]
Regarding this please see Viscomi A., Giuslavoristi ed immigrazione
extracomunitaria: un incontro difficile. In Lav. Dir., 1992, pag. 170 ss. on
art. 10, in particolar see Cassese A., Sub art. 10, in G. Branca (care of),
Commentario alla Costituzione, Zanichelli, Bologna, 1980, pag. 485 ss.
[47]
Art. 1, in fact, references the Geneva Conention.
[48]
Regarding this last point the directive of the President Cons. Min.
6.8.98., in Guida al lavoro, 8.9.98, n. 34, p. 14, to adjust any
type of permit of stay issued for humanitarian purposes in the law n.
40/1998.
[49]
The area included among the following countries is Schengen territory: Belgium,
Czech Republic, Denmark,Germany, Estonia, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Cyprus,
Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Hungary, Malta, Netherlands, Austria, Poland,
Portugal, Slovenia, Slovakia, Finland, Sweden, Romania and Bulgaria.
[50]
It must be remembered that, for reasons of public order and safety, the States
have the right to reintroduce border controls.
[51]
Among the various Italian legal sources we must consider the following: the
Single Text of dispositions regarding regulation of immigration and laws on the
conditions of foreigners (law 25 July, 1998, no. 286 and following
modifications); Law of Single Text implementation (31 August, 1999, no. 394
modified by the decree of 18 October 2004, no. 334); Interministerial decree on
visas of 12 July, 2000 on the "Definition of the types of entry visas and
the requirements to obtain them". Directive from the Ministry of the
Interior from 1 March, 2000 on the "definition of means of sustinence for
entry and stay of foreigners in the country".
[52] Newsletter Min. lav., 24.9.99, n. 70, in D.prat.lav.,
1999, 40, p. 2781; but against , in the case of employment activities
outside of those listed in the permit of stay, T.a.r. Abruzzo, sez. Pescara,
15.1.98, n. 119, in T.A.R., 1998, I, p. 1020.
[53] Visas for study, sport
activities and volunteer activities are included in this category as they
depend on specific limitations.